U radu se detaljnije istražuje život i djelo istaknutoga hrvatskog povjesničara Ferde Šišića od početka 1938. do 1940. godine. Temeljni je istraživački problem koji se postavlja u radu ...rasvjetljavanje i karakterizacija međuodnosa Šišićeva profesionalnog rada kao povjesničara i njegova političkog djelovanja. U tome cilju se na temelju brojnih arhivskih izvora, periodike i dostupne literature rekonstruira cjelokupna Šišićeva djelatnost na polju historiografije, u kulturi i politici u tadašnjem povijesnom kontekstu, određenom institucionalnim strukturama Kraljevine Jugoslavije.
This paper provides a more detailed analysis of the scholarly, cultural and political activities of the distinguished Croatian historian Ferdo Šišić during the last years of his life from 1938 to 1940. The main objective has been to cast light on the relation of Šišić’s work in the field of historiography and his political activities in the historical context defined by the institutions of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia at the time. The first chapter refers to Šišić’s withdrawal from his teaching duties at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in the academic year 1937/38 due to a heart condition and to political conflicts among the students at Zagreb University. His activities in Masonic lodges have been explored and his actions published in early 1938 analysed; they clearly indicated his close relations to the regime in Belgrade and to the policy of the then Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović. Another focus of the paper is Šišić’s publications published in spring 1938 particularly in reference to the re-establishment of his cooperation with Matica hrvatska, which, administered by Filip Lukas, became the base of activities for Croatian nationalist intellectuals with a negative attitude towards the regime in Belgrade. A thorough analysis of Šišić’s works, primarily in journalist style, published under changing political circumstances after the fall of Prime Minister Stojadinović’s government in the first half of 1939, has provided a clear indication of Šišić’s opportunism and careerism as the most acceptable explanation for his political and cultural activities. However, in this paper close attention has been also drawn to Šišić’s huge energy for work which, despite his poor health condition, made him return to his teaching duties at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in the winter semester of the academic year 1938/39; with this energy he maintained relationships with numerous colleagues and associates and continued writing, publishing a great number of works. This was partly also the reason why his seventieth birthday in March 1939 had a major impact, especially among the well-informed. The last part of this paper investigates Šišić’s life in the second half of 1939 marked by the progress of his illness, his retirement and the withdrawal from public life, which took place in the context of the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia. The final part describes Šišić’s death and his funeral in January 1940, special attention being paid to the first reviews of Šišić’s life and work immediately after his death.
Učitelj i politika Miškulin, Ivica
Scrinia Slavonica,
11/2022, Letnik:
22, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
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U radu autor ocjenjuje političko djelovanje učitelja Ivana Trdića u razdoblju Kraljevine Jugoslavije i početkom Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1929. – 1941.). Čitatelj se posebno upućuje na analizu ...Trdićeva rada u temeljnim političkim i parapolitičkim organizacijama šestosiječanjskog režima u gradu te kotaru Slavonska Požega, poput Jugoslovenskog učiteljskog udruženja, Jugoslovenske radikalno seljačke demokratije, Jugoslovenske nacionalne stranke, Jugoslovenske radikalne zajednice i Sokola Kraljevine Jugoslavije. U promatranom razdoblju Trdić službuje u školi Vanjska Požega te je jedan od najvažnijih lokalnih pristaša ideologije i politike beskompromisnog jugoslavenstva. Njezino pak rastakanje u drugoj polovici 1930-ih donosi propast Trdićevih ideala. Osvetoljubive ustaše ubile su ga u prvim danima Nezavisne Države Hrvatske.
The abundance and diversity of the preserved archival materials allow a comprehensive analysis of the political activities of the teacher Ivan Trdić during the time of the Yugoslav states (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) between the two wars and in the first days of the Independent State of Croatia. In the first part of the parliamentary period (1919-1926) Trdić came to the fore as the first local teacher to voice the ideology of Yugoslav unitarism, which soon put him - chiefly because of his aggressive pushing of exclusive and violent Yugoslavism - in an untenable position in the Croatian rural communities in which he worked (Nova Kapela). The predictable outcome of everything was a deep disapproval of Yugoslav symbolism by the majority of Croats who started to justifiably treat the aggressive and violent unitaristic minority as national renegades and traitors. Immediately after his promotion in his career (occupying the position of head teacher through political protectionism by the Association of Yugoslav Teachers) Trdić had to undergo a fall. The first Yugoslav circle of sincere Yugoslav teachers ended in the victory of national (i.e. separate Croatian and Serbian) policies and led Trdić to the lee of anonymity in back-of-beyond Stražeman.The Yugoslav nationalists were undeservedly given a new opportunity in the early 1930s. Hence, the 6 January coup of Aleksander Karađorđević must be considered as a new attempt to impose a Yugoslav synthesis. The ideology of the uncompromising Yugoslav regime of the dictatorship reiterated a number of the previous features (a-historicism, exclusiveness, hidden Serbianization) but also brought in some novelties such as state protection, a more apparent monarchism, the predominance of the assimilation version of Yugoslavism and the disappearance of a vocal opposition. As expected, Trdić happened to be at the forefront of distinguished stakeholders of the new conditions in Slavonska Požega (where he lived and where the primary school of which he was head was located); he was enthusiastically active through the two basic media. He occupied a distinguished position in the new regime formation meant for the ideological indoctrination of society, particularly of children (centralized Association of Yugoslav Teachers) and was also a part of the administration of regime parties. Also, the increase of problems concerning the ambivalence of the dictatorial regime would hardly have led to a new collapse of Yugoslav nationalism without the violent death of its idol King Alexander. Without the king, the supporters of “provincial” (that is to say national) identities in Sava Banovina were in the majority (as indicated by the parliamentary elections in May 1935) and in the case of Slavonska Požega this in the first place indicated the return of the HSS (Croatian Peasant Party) led Croatian national movement to the scene. Hence, Trdić experienced in Slavonska Požega (as well as in the second half of 1920 in Nova Kapela) the collapse of Yugoslav nationalism which is naturally the frequent fate of unnatural ideological projects that have no very serious support and are based on imposition and repression.Trdić managed to keep his position on the surface for only a short period of time: without the support of the regime or of a strong political party the Croatian, Yugo-nationalists were brought down to the status of a distinct minority, hence, the imperative of continuing to exist inevitably led them in the direction of Milan Stojadinović which again brings to light their dependence on the Serbian base. However, the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia (denied in the early 1930s) indicated the final victory of Croatian nationalism, that is to say the final defeat of Yugoslav nationalism and the new regime showed not much consideration for Yugoslav teachers who were the servants of a violent and anti-Croatian dictatorship. Trdić was therefore expelled from the Association of Croatian Teachers and to the Yugoslav Radical Union he was more an obstacle to the prospects of the party than a useful lure for Croats. However, Trdić’s second Yugoslav round did not end peacefully. The regime of the Banovina of Croatia forced him into retirement but the uncompromising Croatian nationalists governing the Independent State of Croatia decided to execute him.
Borba protiv „bacila Rajković, Ana
Scrinia Slavonica,
12/2021, Letnik:
21, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
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Jedna od osnovnih karakteristika represivne vlasti u međuratnoj Jugoslaviji svakako je bilo i suzbijanje širenja komunističkih odnosno boljševičkih ideja u radničkom pokretu
nakon Prvog svjetskog ...rata. Ovo je uvelike bilo uvjetovano povratkom ruskih
zarobljenika, tj. vojnika Austro-Ugarske Monarhije koji su tijekom zarobljeništva prihvatili ideju boljševizma te koju su potom pokušali prenijeti na teritorij novouspostavljene Kraljevine. Ovi su se „oktobarci“, kako ih je kasnija historiografija nazvala, vraćali i na slavonsko područje, prvenstveno u gradove poput Osijeka i Vukovara. U kontekstu navedenoga cilj je rada, na temelju arhivske građe, kao i onodobnog tiska, analizirati načine na koje su vlasti vršile ovo suzbijanje, pri čemu se slavonsko područje promatra u širem društveno-političkom kontekstu, kako bi se
dobila potpunija analiza djelovanja represivnog sustava, ali i načina transferiranja ideja na ovo područje. Kreiranje antiboljševičke politike interpretirano je okviru komparativne metode te teorijskog modela nizozemskog teoretičara T. A. van Dijka.
One of the basic characteristics of the repressive government of Yugoslavia between the two World Wars certainly was also the inhibition of the spreading of communist, i.e. Bolshevik ideas in the labour movement after World War I, which was to a great extent ascribable to the return of Russian prisoners, that is to say soldiers of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy who had during their imprisonment accepted the
idea of Bolshevism and accordingly tried to transfer it to the territory of the newly established Kingdom. These “adherents of the October Revolution”, as they were later named in historiography, returned to the Slavonian area, primarily to the towns Osijek and Vukovar. The objective of this paper in this context is to analyse on the basis of archival materials and then newspapers how the government imposed the restraint, the Slavonian area being viewed in a broader social-political context in order to provide a more complete analysis of
the activities of the repressive system but also of how ideas were transferred in this area. The creation of an anti-Bolshevik policy has been interpreted in the scope of the comparative method and the theoretical model of the Dutch theorist T. A. van Dijk.
This social, cultural, and political history of Slavic Muslim women of the Yugoslav region in the first decades of the post-Ottoman era is the first to provide a comprehensive overview of the issues ...confronting these women. It is based on a study of voluntary associations (philanthropic, cultural, Islamic-traditionalist, and feminist) of the period. It is broadly held that Muslim women were silent and relegated to a purely private space until 1945, when the communist state “unveiled” and “liberated” them from the top down. After systematic archival research in Bosnia, Croatia, Serbia, and Austria, Fabio Giomi challenges this view by showing: How different sectors of the Yugoslav elite through association publications, imagined the role of Muslim women in post-Ottoman times, and how Muslim women took part in the construction or the contestation of these narratives. How associations employed different means in order to forge a generation of “New Muslim Women” able to cope with the post-Ottoman political and social circumstances. And how Muslim women used the tools provided by the associations in order to pursue their own projects, aims and agendas. The insights are relevant for today’s challenges facing Muslim women in Europe. The text is illustrated with exceptional photographs.
U članku se opisuju i razlažu nastanak i djelovanje Pododbora Matice hrvatske u Osijeku od njegova osnutka 1936. do prisilnoga gašenja 1945., uzimajući u obzir da su ranije objavljene pregledne ...sinteze djelovanja Matice hrvatske u Osijeku izostavile to razdoblje iz svoga fokusa, držeći 1961. godinom prvoga osnutka Matičina pododbora (ogranka) u Osijeku. Analiza ima uporište u metodološkoj paradigmi intelektualne povijesti, s kontekstualizacijom protagonista i aktivnosti osječkoga Pododbora Matice hrvatske u široj intelektualnoj mreži grada Osijeka, organizacijske strukture Matice hrvatske i srodnih društava unutar društveno-političke zbilje u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji i Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj te intelektualnih gibanja unutar europskoga prostora toga vremena. Zbog nedostatne količine izvorne građe za kasnije referentno razdoblje, ponajviše prostora zauzima raščlamba prvih dviju godina djelovanja Pododbora Matice hrvatske u Osijeku, dok se nedostatak izvora za razdoblje Nezavisne Države Hrvatske pokušava supstituirati analizom časopisa Hrvatski sjever iz 1944.
Davor Konjikušić provides an in-depth presentation and contextualization of the photographs created by Yugoslav partisans between 1941 and 1945. In doing so, the author is not only interested in ...presenting the photographs from an aesthetic perspective, but in the history of their use and function within one of the biggest anti-fascist movements in Europe during the Second World War.
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