At the 2014 Wales Summit, the NATO allies pledged to spend at least 2% of their GDP on defence by 2024. While some allies are on track to meet the 2% target, others only modestly augmented their ...military expenditures and still others have even reduced their defence budgets. This article aims to explain the diverging trajectories of the allies' military expenditures during the first five years after the Wales Summit. More specifically, it introduces an integrated burden sharing model, which is tested with generalized set Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The results of the analysis indicate that the threat posed by Russia provided the most important incentive for increasing defence budgets. However, general budget constraints kept some allies from increasing their defence budget in proportion to the threat posed by Russia. Conversely, in the absence of budget constraints, allies governed by a right-leaning executive made intermediate budget efforts even if they only faced a low level of threat. Strikingly, budget inertia only had a modest impact on the allies' defence budgets, only resulting in a low level of spending in allies that were not threatened by Russia and either faced considerable budget constraints or were governed by a left-wing government.
This articles examines the debate, and sometimes lack of debate, over nuclear issues in NATO from the beginning of the alliance to the mid-1960s and reveals how American officials changed their ...approach to deal with NATO's nuclear issues. In the 1950s, US officials released only limited information about nuclear weapons that were a part of NATO's war plans. Gradually, they determined that some of NATO's major tensions stemmed from their allies' lack of information about the extent of the US nuclear arsenal and its intended uses. After several halting steps, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara decided that US interests could be best met by offering the allies a nuclear education.
Risky investments under incomplete information (i.e. about future behaviour, future state of the world) characterize international institution enlargements. In clubs, a logic of lowest common ...denominator accompanies member heterogeneity as weaker states reduce collective good quality to their suboptimal level. Disturbances in a good's provision are attenuated if a club provides diverse goods, however reductions are problematic when it produces fewer/scarce goods. Heavily invested, stronger partners may offset candidate risk through bilateral contracting. NATO & EU enlargement after the cold war provides a set of states to examine the effects of risks and bilateral (security/economic) investments on membership offers in either or both organizations providing a test of rationalist claims. Despite distinct criteria, perceptions of candidate's (political or investment) risk shaped when offers were given. Finally, research treats enlargements as separate despite simultaneous occurrence. This research contributes by (1) specifying a simultaneous model of enlargements linking the processes indirectly and (2) examining risks and side payments. Results confirm security side payments increased chances of a NATO offer, but economic equivalents had no effect on EU offers. Reducing risks increased the likelihood of offers. Finally, the unmeasured factors correlated with offers in both were positive and substantively significant.
Angelina Jolie's high-profile visit to NATO in 2018 signals a move to brand the alliance's strategic narrative within the language of celebrity through engagement with popular culture. The ...partnership represents a significant change in the alliance's approach to global security. It also builds on a shift in NATO's self-narrative through the advocacy of gender justice related to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. Rather than fading into the background, NATO appears to be pursuing the limelight for the purpose of ‘awareness raising’ as a tool to implement the WPS agenda. Drawing upon feminist scholarship on the WPS agenda, NATO, and research on celebrity humanitarianism and politics, we provide a critical study of this change in NATO's strategic narrative, through the analysis of visual and textual material related to Jolie's visit to NATO. Our focus is on the significance of this partnership and its contribution to legitimising the alliance's self-defined ‘military leadership’ in the area of conflict-related sexual violence. While Jolie's visit to NATO opened the alliance to public scrutiny it also symbolised a form of militarism, surrounded by orchestrated visual representations. As such, it only marginally disrupted the militarist logic present in NATO's wider WPS engagement.
The specific geopolitical factors of the Suwałki Region and Corridor, tied to the security of Poland, other NATO countries, and the EU, present a good case to analyze the threats to these countries ...and consider the possibilities of effective counteraction to those threats. This article discusses the mechanisms of hybrid warfare in using political, economic, military, ethnic, religious, and other pressures. This article shows which elements of the non-military sphere must be prepared to combat asymmetric threats to prevent the destruction of, and disturbances to, the region's operability. In doing so, the need to apply interoperability and complementarity in actions against hybrid threats is emphasized.
This article addresses the evolution of Bulgarian foreign policy since the start of the Russian Ukrainian crisis of 2014 until 2022 through the prism of domestic contestation of foreign policy ...choices and decisions. The article reviews four key votes that took place during the period that related to NATO decisions and EU-related decisions towards the situation in Ukraine. This article raises three central questions. First: to what extent were Bulgarian foreign policy decisions related to NATO and the EU increasingly contested and politicized in domestic politics? Second: what is the impact of domestic political dynamics in terms of fragmentation, coalition building and role of smaller fringe extreme right political parties on the growing politicization and contestation of Bulgarian foreign policy towards NATO and the EU? Third: to what extent might such politicization and contestation question Bulgaria’s commitments to both NATO and the EU?
The EU and NATO represent two entities in charge of the protection and self-sufficiency of their communities, being engaged in development activities and resilient-oriented projects at various ...levels. Despite their different approach on effective development and resilience building, their mission has convergent aspects in order to ensure that the EU development goals impact the self-sufficiency of a household and the NATO agreed baseline requirements improve the level of civil preparedness and protection within the communities. Development and civil protection put the EU and NATO in the middle of the puzzle, providing technical expertise and tailored assistance for the countries in need, as well as to identify and anticipate possible vulnerabilities that might occur in both developing and developed countries. The role played by both the EU and NATO on the world stage come to highlight the importance that the two actors bring in the actual unpredictable environments.
United States and Russia Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo; Alessandra Aparecida Luque
Meridiano 47,
10/2017, Letnik:
17
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
In the post-Cold War world, US and Russia bilateral relations have been characterized since 1989 by dynamics of cooperation and conflict, that shows the asymmetries of power between these two powers ...and their geopolitical disputes. The goal of this text is to examine these oscillations and ambiguities since the end of bipolarity till the 21st century.
PDF
