This article discusses the role played by war veterans in the various fascist and para-fascist groups present in Yugoslavia in the interwar period. The article finds that significant numbers of ...veterans and the nationalist associations to which they belonged contributed to proposed or actual departures from the democratic norm in interwar Yugoslavia, and were especially supportive of King Aleksandar Karadjordjevic's dictatorship of 1929-1934. In this respect, they could be termed 'para-fascist'. The article also notes that whilst the two groups typically identified in the literature as 'fascist', the Croatian Ustashe and Serbian/Yugoslav Zbor, fit into the 'second-wave' of 1930s fascist forces not usually marked by a strong presence of First World War veterans, their membership and ideological organisation were nevertheless significantly influenced by both the traditions of the war and the men who fought in it.
The article talks about the preparations for the assassination in Slovenia (1940) of Prince Paul Karađorđević royal governor, who was the main bearer of royal power in Yugoslavia ever since the ...assassination of King Alexander on October 9, 1934, until the coup d’état on March 27, 1941. The person who ordered the assassination preparations was Ilija Trifunović Birčanin, who was the president of the organization National Defense. Birčanin was also an associate of the British intelligence service SOE, with the pseudonym Daddy. The royal governor, Prince Paul, was pro-British, and from 1935 he replaced the earlier Francophile foreign policy orientation of King Aleksandar Karađorđević with his Anglophile policy. However, due to new geopolitical relations in Europe, he advocated for closer economic and political relations with Germany. In 1940, this led to tendencies towards the physical removal of Prince Paul, which was not realized, but the overthrow of the government through a coup d’état was attempted, which was done on March 27, 1941. The British intelligence officers in charge of Yugoslavia were informed about the preparations for the removal of Prince Paul and the execution of a coup d’état, but the Foreign Office in London, i.e. Lord Hallifax himself, in July 1940 considered that it was too early for a coup d’état. The article is based on the testimony of the Yugoslav nationalist (ORJUN), Slovenian Filip Kosec, who was an operative of the National Defense and carried out certain activities in cooperation with the British SOE. Kosec’s testimony is confirmed by British intelligence documents published in 1980 by British historians Neil Balfour and Sally MacKay in their book „Paul of Yugoslavia. Britain’s Maligned Friend”.
Na osnovi literature i izvora predstavlja se život Jerka Čulića, važnog turističkog djelatnika sredine XX. stoljeća. Pokazuje se njegova uloga u političkim, gospodarskim i društvenim inicija- ...tivama tadašnje države i grada Splita. Donose se i neki dosad nepoznati podaci o njegovoj obitelji te o kući.
U radu autori na temelju arhivske građe, relevantne periodike i postojeće literature obrađuju život i rad fra Petra Glavaša u razdoblju od 1921. do 1927., dok je bio na župi u Tučepima. Ondje je bio ...utemeljitelj i tajnik lokalnog ogranka Hrvatske pučke stranke te jedan od osnivača i prvi tajnik Hrvatskoga katoličkoga omladinskog društva. Najveći otpor njegovu djelovanju pružala je lokalna Orjuna, koja je u sukobima s neistomišljenicima često koristila fizičku silu,
a više puta došlo je i do upotrebe vatrenog oružja. Rekonstrukcijom djelovanja fra Petra Glavaša u navedenom razdoblju, pogotovo sukoba s Orjunom, autori istražuju političku situaciju na lokalnoj razini te na taj način daju uvid u političku situaciju Dalmacije 1920-ih godina.
Autor u prilogu prikazuje genezu nastanka te daljnju aktivnost i razvitak dviju organizacija Hrvatske narodne (nacionalne) omladine (HANAO) u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. Osnutak obiju ...organizacija dogodio se u vrijeme koncentracije hrvatskih stranaka u oporbeni Hrvatski blok, tj. poslije donošenje Vidovdanskog ustava koji je proklamirao centralističko uređenje države. Tijekom djelovanja obje organizacije su pokazale drukčije pristupe borbi protiv centralističkog uređenja Kraljevine SHS, pri čemu su njihovi ideologijski programi, posebno prema hrvatskom nacionalnom pitanju, u jednom razdoblju bili potpuno suprotni. Obje organizacije HANAO-a su u svom djelovanju pokazivale indirektnu vezanost za neke od programa hrvatskih političkih stranaka koje su djelovale na političkoj pozornici Kraljevine SHS.
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