Kdo smo Pleterski, Andrej; Rihter, Janja
2020
eBook
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Simply put, the modern Slovenian nation began as a cultural project in the age of Enlightenment. Its basic axis has been Standard Slovenian as one of Slavic languages. The book describes from where ...the speakers of the initial common Slavic language arrived at our place, as well as where and when Slavs came into being. Throughout the history of long ages the author observes the relationship between the speakers of the language, political power, and particularly the Church as an institution with a universal ideology which as such does not in any way encourage local identity. The book also recalls the millennial roots of Slovenian identity whose present state is not a logical consequence of the past, much less the beginning of self-evident future. The author knows that the final image of the past is always created by the reader themself, therefore using challenging illustrations he constantly encourages them to think. The author also does not expect the reader to agree with him, but would like them to find some causal connections of their own and thus recover the lost memory of who they are.
Prispevek prikazuje sodobne prostorske in socialne procese na avstrijskem Koroškem in analizira položaj slovenske manjšine v pogojih postmodernega družbenega stadija. Manjšina je družbeni kolektiv, ...ki se je skozi desetletja številčno zmanjševal zaradi asimilacije. To so sprožali tako namerni asimilacijski ukrepi na eni ter vrsta dejavnikov v družbenem okolju na drugi strani. Proučujemo, kako in v kakšni meri lahko značilnosti prostorskih struktur in življenjski slog ljudi v postmoderni družbi vplivajo na pripadnike manjšine.
Identitet Slovenaca u Zagrebu Škiljan, Filip; Riman, Barbara
Sociologija i prostor,
4/2021, Letnik:
59, Številka:
1 (220)
Journal Article, Web Resource
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Autori u tekstu donose informacije o čuvanju nacionalnog identiteta Slovenaca u
Zagrebu. Slovenci u Zagrebu prema popisu stanovništva 2011. broje 2132 osobe, što čini oko
1/5 svih Slovenaca u ...Hrvatskoj. Slovenska nacionalna manjina u Hrvatskoj danas je najstarija
nacionalna manjina u Hrvatskoj. Prosječni iznos godina prema popisu iz 2011. iznosio je 59,7.
Ta činjenica nikako ne ide na ruku slovenskim društvima u Hrvatskoj, koja imaju vrlo staro
članstvo. Čuvanje nacionalnog identiteta kod Slovenaca u Hrvatskoj prisutno je prije svega
njegovanjem slovenskog jezika, dok su mlađe generacije podložnije asimilaciji (osobito oni koji
su se rodili u nacionalno mješovitim brakovima). Istraživači su pokušali provjeriti koliko su kazivači
još povezani sa Slovenijom te koliko su Slovenci koji posjećuju Slovenski dom povezani
sa slovenskim društvom u Zagrebu.
Rad analizira ciljeve i taktike slovenskih političkih grupacija od Prvoprosinačkoga akta 1918. do izbora za Konstituantu u studenom 1920. Iako su na vanjskopolitičkom planu ciljevi slovenskih ...stranaka bili slični, a na unutarnjem su planu sve političke snage pretendirale na sudjelovanje u vlasti, proučavani period obilježili su brojni unutarstranački rascjepi. U Slovenskoj narodnoj stranci vladala je podjela na kritičare velikosrpske politike i oportuniste koji su pokušavali pripremiti poslijeizbornu koaliciju sa srpskim radikalima (Narodna radikalna stranka). Stranka je zahvaljujući ambiciji očuvanja kako statusa najjače slovenske političke opcije tako i koalicijskoga potencijala za participaciju u vlasti, što je nudilo bolju perspektivu za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva, ipak uspjela sačuvati organizacijsku cjelovitost. Istovremeno su se slovenski liberali, koji su za razliku od većine konzervativaca iskreno raširenih ruku dočekali Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, fragmentirali na više stranaka. Tome je doprinijelo očekivanje da će se na slovenskim područjima, uslijed uključivanja u južnoslavensku državu, povećati manevarski prostor za jugoslavensko-unitarističke političke snage, stoga je dio liberala krenuo u osvajanje rubnih segmenata biračkoga tijela koje je prije pripadalo konzervativcima. Prosječni slovenski birač, međutim, nije bio sklon unitarizmu te je najbolji izborni rezultat ostvarila liberalna opcija koja je u predizborno vrijeme naglašavala slovensku autonomiju. Relativno dobar rezultat postiže socijaldemokratski pol, unutar kojega također dolazi do rascjepa. Dok su se reformisti u kritikama usmjeravali direktno na slovensku političku konkurenciju, komunisti se odcjepljuju i odlučuju za radikalniji nastup prema Srbiji. Slovensku narodnu stranku kritiziraju tek implicitno, štoviše preuzimaju i dio njezina predratnoga programa i time bez većega izravnog sukoba ulaze upravo u njezino biračko tijelo.
The paper investigates the objectives and strategies of Slovenian political groups during the period spanning from the December 1 Act of 1918 to the elections for the Constituent Assembly in November 1920. Despite shared external political goals among the Slovenian parties and their common ambition to participate in government on the domestic front, this period witnessed numerous internal divisions. Within the Slovenian National Party (Slovenska ljudska stranka – SLS), a rift emerged between critics of Greater Serbian policies and opportunists aiming for a post-election coalition with Serbian radicals (Narodna radikalna stranka). Despite the ambition of both preserving the status of the strongest Slovenian political option and using the coalition potential for government participation, which offered a better perspective for achieving foreign policy objectives, the party successfully preserved its organizational integrity. Simultaneously, the Slovenian liberals, who welcomed the Kingdom of SCS with enthusiasm unlike the majority of conservatives, experienced fragmentation into several parties. This was fuelled by the expectation that Slovenian inclusion in the South Slavic state would create more manoeuvring room in Slovenian territory for Yugoslav unitary political forces. Consequently, some liberals sought to capture the marginal segments of the electorate traditionally aligned with the conservatives. The average Slovenian voter, however, showed a reluctance towards unitarism, and the best electoral result was achieved by the liberal faction emphasizing Slovenian autonomy during the pre-election period. The social democratic pole achieved a relatively good result, even as it experienced internal division. Reformists directed their criticism at their Slovenian political competitors, while communists adopted a more radical approach towards Serbia. They criticized the SLS only implicitly and even absorbed segments of its pre-war program, penetrating its electorate without major direct conflict.
Autor analizira stavove slovenskih katoličko-narodnjačkih i liberalnih časopisa glede državnopravnih pitanja u razdoblju od Sarajevskoga atentata 1914. do zagrebačkoga sastanka u ožujku 1918. ...Katoličko-narodnjačka Slovenska pučka stranka početkom rata zauzela je snažan protusrpski stav. Dok je na vanjskopolitičkom planu dio stranke zazivao vojno kažnjavanje Srbije, na unutarnjem stranka unisono zastupa ideju hrvatsko-slovenske državne jedinice unutar Habsburške Monarhije. Slovenski su liberali na drugoj strani, unatoč osudi čina atentata, osuđivali protusrpske demonstracije te pritom naglašavali odgovornost austrougarske politike za eskalaciju rata. Uslijed širih makrogeopolitičkih događaja, prije svega povećanja vjerojatnosti Antantine pobjede, koja je povećavala strah pred implementacijom Londonskoga ugovora, te činjenice da su velikonjemački austrijski krugovi iskoristili rat protiv Srbije za širu protu(jugo)slavensku kampanju u kojoj se svaka emancipacijska težnja Slovenaca i Hrvata prikazivala kao protudržavni element, slovenski katolički narodnjaci mijenjaju strategiju. Nakon uviđanja da ni iskazivanje najsnažnijih proaustrijskih emocija te ulaganje iznimno velikih napora u predočavanje razlike između slovensko-hrvatske trijalističke vizije i velikosrpskoga koncepta neće uroditi plodom, slovenski su katolički narodnjaci krenuli putem okrupnjavanja vlastitoga političkog legitimiteta preko zauzimanja vodećih pozicija u zastupničkim tijelima austrougarskih Južnih Slavena. Budući da je za to bila potrebna i suradnja sa slovenskim liberalima te austrougarskim Srbima, taj je obrat implicirao i prihvaćanje širega južnoslavenskoga koncepta.
The author analyzes the views of Slovenian Catholic populist and liberal magazines regarding Slovenian and South Slavic statehood issues in the period from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 to the meeting in Zagreb in March 1918. At the beginning of the war, the Slovenian People's Party (SLS) took a strong anti-Serbian position and even called for military intervention in Serbia. At the same time, the party unanimously advocated the idea of a Slovene-Croatian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy as the key political goal. Slovenian liberals, on the other hand, despite condemning the act of assassination, criticized the anti-Serbian demonstrations and emphasized the responsibility of Austro-Hungarian policy for the escalation of the war. As a result of wider macro-geopolitical events, foremost the increased probability of the Entente's victory, which implied the possibility of the implementation of the London Pact, as well as the use by Great German circles in Austria of the war against Serbia for a wider anti-(South) Slavic campaign in which every Slovenian and/or Croatian emancipatory aspiration was portrayed as an anti-state element, Slovenian Catholic populists changed their political direction. After realizing that even expressing the strongest pro-Austrian emotions and investing very great efforts in presenting the difference between the Slovenian-Croatian trialist vision and the Greater Serbian concept would not bear fruit, the SLS decided to change its strategy and to consolidate its own political legitimacy by attaining leading positions in the representative bodies of the Austro-Hungarian South Slavs. Since this required collaboration with Slovenian liberals and Austro-Hungarian Serbs, it also implied the acceptance of a broader South Slavic concept.
The problem of the expelled Slovene population from the areas occupied by the Third Reich during World War II is present in Croatian, Slovene, and Serbian history, but is primarily linked to the ...emigration and expelling of the population of other ethnicities (mostly Serbian). This phase of Slovene history is not well-known to the broader public in Croatia. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to highlight the large number of Slovenes who survived World War II on the territory of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e. then the territory of the Independent State of Croatia, which had different borders than Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina today. Papers on the topic of the Slovene population displaced to Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina often do not consider the cultural shock that the displaced persons suffered. Apart from describing the activities of the institutions that were legal and responsible for providing for the expelled Slovene population, this paper also presents individual cases that exemplify the difficult situation and problems faced by those expelled from Slovene lands.
Migranti se z vsako migracijo tudi izkustveno učijo, vendar imamo o tem razmeroma malo raziskav. V procesu tranzicije se posamezniki srečajo s spremembami, ki privedejo do potrebe po transformiranju ...védenja, stališč, praks, vrednot. V predstavljeni raziskavi smo ugotavljali, kako se posamezniki ob izkušnji migracije učijo, katere strategije pri tem uporabljajo in ali lahko učenje ob migraciji analiziramo z modelom tranzicijskega učenja. Članek obravnava učenje skozi teoriji biografskega in tranzicijskega učenja. V empiričnem delu kvalitativne raziskave na podlagi polstrukturiranih intervjujev in sledeč narativni metodi ugotavljamo, kateri so glavni razlogi za selitev in katere strategije učenja ob tranziciji se pri migrantih pojavljajo. Odkrivamo, da se pri migrantih pojavljajo vse štiri temeljne strategije učenja po Wildemeerschu in Stroobantsovi (2009), tako strategija prilagoditve, rasti, razlikovanja kot tudi strategija upora, in da je model tranzicijskega učenja učinkovito analitično orodje za analizo izkustvenega učenja ob migraciji.
Important anniversaries of prominent historians have become traditional opportunities for the gift to the celebrator in the form of scientific contributions from his colleagues and the colleagues who ...have worked with him fruitfully or are still doing so. Marušičev zbornik is a tribute to one of the leading historians of the Slovene region in contact with its western neighbors, historian prof. Branko Marušič at the age of 80. He has created a very important oeuvre, while outlining basic research directions, which some have continued to gain. One of the prominent results of this “scientific transfer” is the present scientific monograph, with the highly significant subtitle, Zgodovinopisec zahodnega roba (The Historian of West Edge). In a single volume, it represents the contribution of different generations of historians to new insights into the history of coastal space, especially that of the borderland, which throughout history has encountered coexistence with “the other.” Different historical sources and their careful analyzes and interpretations, which the authors place in different time contexts, contribute to new or original scientific knowledge. The monograph is actual and important for the development of historiography, also because of the development of Slovenian scientific terminology.
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