Učitelj i politika Miškulin, Ivica
Scrinia Slavonica,
11/2022, Letnik:
22, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
U radu autor ocjenjuje političko djelovanje učitelja Ivana Trdića u razdoblju Kraljevine Jugoslavije i početkom Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1929. – 1941.). Čitatelj se posebno upućuje na analizu ...Trdićeva rada u temeljnim političkim i parapolitičkim organizacijama šestosiječanjskog režima u gradu te kotaru Slavonska Požega, poput Jugoslovenskog učiteljskog udruženja, Jugoslovenske radikalno seljačke demokratije, Jugoslovenske nacionalne stranke, Jugoslovenske radikalne zajednice i Sokola Kraljevine Jugoslavije. U promatranom razdoblju Trdić službuje u školi Vanjska Požega te je jedan od najvažnijih lokalnih pristaša ideologije i politike beskompromisnog jugoslavenstva. Njezino pak rastakanje u drugoj polovici 1930-ih donosi propast Trdićevih ideala. Osvetoljubive ustaše ubile su ga u prvim danima Nezavisne Države Hrvatske.
The abundance and diversity of the preserved archival materials allow a comprehensive analysis of the political activities of the teacher Ivan Trdić during the time of the Yugoslav states (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) between the two wars and in the first days of the Independent State of Croatia. In the first part of the parliamentary period (1919-1926) Trdić came to the fore as the first local teacher to voice the ideology of Yugoslav unitarism, which soon put him - chiefly because of his aggressive pushing of exclusive and violent Yugoslavism - in an untenable position in the Croatian rural communities in which he worked (Nova Kapela). The predictable outcome of everything was a deep disapproval of Yugoslav symbolism by the majority of Croats who started to justifiably treat the aggressive and violent unitaristic minority as national renegades and traitors. Immediately after his promotion in his career (occupying the position of head teacher through political protectionism by the Association of Yugoslav Teachers) Trdić had to undergo a fall. The first Yugoslav circle of sincere Yugoslav teachers ended in the victory of national (i.e. separate Croatian and Serbian) policies and led Trdić to the lee of anonymity in back-of-beyond Stražeman.The Yugoslav nationalists were undeservedly given a new opportunity in the early 1930s. Hence, the 6 January coup of Aleksander Karađorđević must be considered as a new attempt to impose a Yugoslav synthesis. The ideology of the uncompromising Yugoslav regime of the dictatorship reiterated a number of the previous features (a-historicism, exclusiveness, hidden Serbianization) but also brought in some novelties such as state protection, a more apparent monarchism, the predominance of the assimilation version of Yugoslavism and the disappearance of a vocal opposition. As expected, Trdić happened to be at the forefront of distinguished stakeholders of the new conditions in Slavonska Požega (where he lived and where the primary school of which he was head was located); he was enthusiastically active through the two basic media. He occupied a distinguished position in the new regime formation meant for the ideological indoctrination of society, particularly of children (centralized Association of Yugoslav Teachers) and was also a part of the administration of regime parties. Also, the increase of problems concerning the ambivalence of the dictatorial regime would hardly have led to a new collapse of Yugoslav nationalism without the violent death of its idol King Alexander. Without the king, the supporters of “provincial” (that is to say national) identities in Sava Banovina were in the majority (as indicated by the parliamentary elections in May 1935) and in the case of Slavonska Požega this in the first place indicated the return of the HSS (Croatian Peasant Party) led Croatian national movement to the scene. Hence, Trdić experienced in Slavonska Požega (as well as in the second half of 1920 in Nova Kapela) the collapse of Yugoslav nationalism which is naturally the frequent fate of unnatural ideological projects that have no very serious support and are based on imposition and repression.Trdić managed to keep his position on the surface for only a short period of time: without the support of the regime or of a strong political party the Croatian, Yugo-nationalists were brought down to the status of a distinct minority, hence, the imperative of continuing to exist inevitably led them in the direction of Milan Stojadinović which again brings to light their dependence on the Serbian base. However, the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia (denied in the early 1930s) indicated the final victory of Croatian nationalism, that is to say the final defeat of Yugoslav nationalism and the new regime showed not much consideration for Yugoslav teachers who were the servants of a violent and anti-Croatian dictatorship. Trdić was therefore expelled from the Association of Croatian Teachers and to the Yugoslav Radical Union he was more an obstacle to the prospects of the party than a useful lure for Croats. However, Trdić’s second Yugoslav round did not end peacefully. The regime of the Banovina of Croatia forced him into retirement but the uncompromising Croatian nationalists governing the Independent State of Croatia decided to execute him.
U uvodnom dijelu rada sažeto se govori o nastanku, smještaju i imenu sela Vrsi; zatim o njegovu položaju, klimi granicama, površini katastarske općine i broju pučanstva između dvaju svjetskih ratova. ...Nakon uvodnih podataka u prvom dijelu podrobnije se raspravlja o gospodarskom, društvenom i političkom stanju u selu i općini Nin tridesetih godina 20. stoljeća, osobito za vrijeme vlada Bogoljuba Jevtića i Milana Stojadinovića te Banovine Hrvatske. Temeljitije se pojašnjava kako su se već tridesetih godina toga stoljeća u Vrsima pojavile dvije snažne i međusobno suprotstavljene političke struje (skupine): hrvatska nacionalna i jugoslavenska unitaristička, što se posebice manifestiralo uoči i za vrijeme parlamentarnih i općinskih izbora. Prvu je predvodila Hrvatska seljačka stranka (HSS) s lokalnim čelnicima i mnogobrojnim sljedbenicima, a drugu Jugoslavenska nacionalna stranka (JNS) i kasnije Jugoslavenska radikalna zajednica (JRZ) sa svojim malobrojnim sljedbenicima, koje je narod u selu podrugljivo zvao “repašima”. Vođa prve političke struje u Vrsima bio je predsjednik Mjesne organizacije HSS-a Marko Velčić, a druge zastupnik u Skupštini Kraljevine Jugoslavije Krste Predovan. Nakon parlamentarnih izbora 1935. i 1938. uslijedili su općinski izbori 1936. i 1940. na kojima je pobijedila Hrvatska seljačka stranka i za načelnika općine Nin izabrala svoga člana Franu Glavana. Upravo na tim lokalnim izborima 1936. u Vrsima su do nogu poražene jugo-unitarističke jerezovske snage – “repaši” ili “reponje” – što je ponovljeno i na sljedećim općinskim izborima 1940., pa upravu mjesta sasvim preuzima Hrvatska seljačka stranka i za glavara sela, u dogovoru s novim načelnikom i općinskim vodstvom u Ninu, dovodi svoga člana Marka Maraša Šordova.
Jugoslavenska radikalna zajednica (JRZ) je od 1935. do 1941. bila vladajuća stranka Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Do 1939. godine njezin rad temeljio se na unitarističkoj, a u razdoblju 1939–1941. na ...federalističkoj jugoslavenskoj ideologiji. Promjena ideologije uvjetovala je neformalni raspad JRZ-a na slovensku, muslimansku i srpsku frakciju, a ubrzo i raspad srpske frakcije na pristaše federalnoga uređenja Jugoslavije te na pristaše stvaranja velike Srbije.
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