The historic immigrant mobilisations of 2006 have reinvigorated public debates about immigration in the United States and the role of the labour movement in advancing immigrant rights. Prior research ...has highlighted why the U.S. labour movement officially declared solidarity with immigrant workers in 2000, but how has this new commitment played out on the ground? Drawing on rich qualitative data on immigrant-focused coalition building in San Francisco, Chicago, and Houston since the early 2000s, we show that local labour unions in all three cities have collaborated with a range of organisations to improve immigrant and worker rights. Rather than one coherent strategy, however, we find variation in the form, depth, and function of these partnerships across cities. This suggests that differences in local context pose distinct opportunities and challenges for immigrant-focused labour-community immigrant rights coalitions, and our analysis focuses on differences in demographic, political, and civic context across place. We argue that beyond an analysis of the U.S. labour movement, a multi-sectoral and comparative local approach is important to gain a fuller understanding of unions' engagement with immigrant rights.
Coalitions are important in organizational decision making, but the question of how coalitions are built and make decisions in response to firm performance is still not sufficiently explored. In this ...study, we develop and test theory on how potential coalitions are built through shared experience and recruitment of allies. When organizations respond to performance relative to aspiration levels, either as problemistic search following low performance or opportunity exploration following high performance, members form coalitions to influence decisions. We develop theory of coalition formation that builds on upper echelons theory and the theory of dominant coalitions to predict how past experience of decision makers leads to preferred actions by each member and subsequent coalition formation. We use this theory to make new measures of potential coalitions and apply it to acquisitions made by firms in China. We find evidence that the experience of members of the key decision-making group-the board of directors-affects the potential coalition building, and hence the type of acquisition target, as predicted.
Solidarity to achieve stability Alcalde-Unzu, Jorge; Gallo, Oihane; Inarra, Elena ...
European journal of operational research,
05/2024, Letnik:
315, Številka:
1
Journal Article
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Agents may form coalitions. Each coalition shares its endowment among its agents by applying a sharing rule. The sharing rule induces a coalition formation problem by assuming that agents rank ...coalitions according to the allocation they obtain in the corresponding sharing problem. We characterize the sharing rules that induce a class of stable coalition formation problems as those that satisfy a natural axiom that formalizes the principle of solidarity. Thus, solidarity becomes a sufficient condition to achieve stability.
•We study coalition formation problems induced by sharing rules.•We characterize the rules that induce a class of stable coalition formation problems.•We focus on a natural axiom formalizing the principle of solidarity.•Solidarity becomes a sufficient condition to guarantee stability.
Institutionalism gives priority to structure over agency. Yet institutions have never developed and operated without the intervention of interested groups. This paper develops a conceptual framework ...for the role of agency in historical institutionalism. Based on recent contributions following the coalitional turn and drawing on insights from sociological institutionalism, it argues that agency plays a key role in the creation and maintenance of social coalitions that stabilize but also challenge institutions. Without such agency, no coalition can be created, maintained, or changed. Similarly, without a supporting coalition, no contested institution can survive. Yet, due to collective action problems, such coalitional work is challenging. This coalitional perspective offers a robust role for agency in historical institutionalism, but it also explains why institutions remain stable despite agency. In addition, this paper forwards several portable propositions that allow for the identification of who is likely to develop agency and what these actors do.
We study matching and coalition formation environments allowing complementarities and peer effects. Agents have preferences over coalitions, and these preferences vary with an underlying, and ...commonly known, state of nature. Assuming that there is substantial variability of preferences across states of nature, we show that there exists a core stable coalition structure in every state if and only if agents' preferences are pairwise-aligned in every state. This implies that there is a stable coalition structure if agents' preferences are generated by Nash bargaining over coalitional outputs. We further show that all stability-inducing rules for sharing outputs can be represented by a profile of agents' bargaining functions and that agents match assortatively with respect to these bargaining functions. This framework allows us to show how complementarities and peer effects overturn well known comparative statics of many-to-one matching.
There has always been a localist element to British politics. But recently, a particular version of localism has been moved to the foreground by the 2011 Localism Act. This paper identifies various ...uses and meanings of localism, maps their geographical assumptions and effects, and critiques their politics. It does this using the localism of the United Kingdom's Coalition Government as a case study of localism in practice. The rationalities, mentalities, programmes, and technologies of this localism are established from Ministerial speeches and press releases, along with Parliamentary Acts, Bills, White Papers, Green Papers, and Statements – all published between May 2010 when the Coalition Government was formed, and November 2011 when the Localism Act became law. We argue that localism may be conceptualised as spatial liberalism, is never straightforwardly local, and can be anti-political.
•Localism can usefully be conceptualised as spatial liberalism.•The geographies of localism are not straightforwardly local.•Localism can be anti-political in at least two distinct ways.
Whereas extant theorizing on interorganizational relational dynamics has highlighted the importance of between-partner differences, we shift attention to within-partner differences. We explore how ...internal fragmentation-that is, the existence of multiple coalitions within a partner organization, each with different interests and perspectives-influences the evolution of relational characteristics in interorganizational relationships. Based on a longitudinal case study of a dyadic strategic alliance, we develop a process model, describing how internal fragmentation within one of the partner organizations can lead to a counterintuitive relational pattern-namely, "dual relational dynamics"-where decision makers of both partners continue renewing their formal commitments, while simultaneously experiencing negative trust dynamics. We show that the existence of different belief systems within one partner organization can lead to a politically charged process, wherein different coalitions within this organization frame and act upon interorganizational events in different ways. This politically charged process can fuel both hope and disappointment among decision makers of both partner organizations, leading to dual relational dynamics. Our findings contribute by advocating a political perspective on interorganizational relationships. We also demonstrate the relevance of this political perspective by showing how it challenges the dominant notion of interorganizational relational dynamics as reinforcing spirals.
In the US–Mexico borderlands, coalitions have formed to successfully thwart attempted amplification of militarisation in the region. However, in the borderlands, where migrants are criminalised and ...the colonisation of Indigenous lands and life is ongoing, coalition building is complicated due to the distinct positionalities of anti‐militarisation activists. This paper analyses solidarity from the perspective of anti‐militarisation organisations and activists in Southern Arizona/on occupied O’odham lands. I contend that desires for solidarity built around the worker, despite the recognition of unique struggles, reveal certain tendencies in activism remain bound to settler colonial ways of relating and understanding. Nonetheless, I argue that ongoing resistance to settler colonial terms of condition may motivate moves to refuse colonial forms of solidarity by reimagining coalition building as transpiring through reciprocal exchange of (hi)stories between differently positioned activists, rather than seeking a struggle that is common to all.
A longstanding result from decades of research on the provision of global public goods, is that stable coalitions of cooperating countries are small when the benefits to cooperating are large. This ...“paradox” of cooperation is seemingly overcome in a recent paper “The Strategic Dimension of Financing Global Public Goods”, by Kornek and Edenhofer (2020). The authors propose a global-public goods game in which countries finance a compensation fund that can balance abatement costs among members. The fund is based on financial transfers, and in the often-explored case of linear benefits and quadratic costs, the proposed institution is credited as being able to support a stable grand coalition. However, when looking carefully at the model, the promising result relies on assumptions and features of an international institution that are not credible because they restrict members’ rights to opt out. The institution’s success relies on countries being required to transfer funds in response to below-average abatement levels. In this short paper we show that when countries have the outside option to renege on the terms of the agreement, no money would be transferred and the institution proposed by Kornek and Edenhofer (2020) reverts to the non-cooperative outcome.
•Rwanda, one of the poorest countries in the world, achieved the highest health insurance enrolment in sub-Saharan Africa.•The expansion of health insurance coverage is made possible by the ...concentration of power in the ruling coalition.•Ideas, in addition to political interests, are crucial in shaping the Community Based Health Insurance policy design and implementation.•Pure CBHI model, based on voluntary enrolment and community management, might not be viable to reach universal health coverage.
Rwanda is the country with the highest enrolment in health insurance in Sub-Saharan Africa. Pivotal in setting Rwanda on the path to universal health coverage (UHC) is the community-based health insurance (CBHI), which covers more than three-quarters of the population. The paper seeks to explain how Rwanda, one of the poorest countries in the world, managed to achieve such performance by understanding the political drivers behind the CBHI design and implementation. Using an analytical framework relying on political settlement and ideas, it engages in process-tracing of the critical policy choices of the CBHI development. The study finds that the commitment to expanding health insurance coverage was made possible by a dominant political settlement. CBHI is part of the broader efforts of the regime to foster its legitimacy based on rapid socio-economic development. Yet, CBHI was chosen over other potential solutions to expand access to healthcare because it was also the option the most compatible with the ruling coalition core ideology.
The study shows that pursuing UHC is an eminently political process but explanations solely based on objective “interests” of rulers cannot fully account for the emergence and shape of social protection programme. Ideology matters as well. Programme design compatible with the political economy of a country but incompatible with ideas of the ruling coalition is likely to run into political obstructions. The study also questions the relevance for poor countries to reach UHC relying on pure CBHI models based on voluntary enrolment and community management.
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