Za razliku od tradicionalnog oblika izručenja traženih osoba koji je bio dugotrajan i složen postupak te nije postigao željeni učinak, europski uhidbeni nalog, kao pojednostavljeni oblik predaje ...traženih osoba, omogućio je slobodan i brz protok pravosudnih odluka u kaznenim stvarima na području slobode, sigurnosti i pravde. Radi se o pravnom institutu međunarodne kaznenopravne pomoći koji u sebi uključuje visoku razinu povjerenja i međusobnog priznanja unutar država članica Europske unije, a temelji se na Okvirnoj odluci Vijeća Europske unije od 13. lipnja 2002. godine o Europskom uhidbenom nalogu i postupcima predaje između država članica 2002/584/PUP. Europski uhidbeni nalog, uz ostalo, propisuje i razloge za obvezno te fakultativno neizvršavanje europskog uhidbenog naloga, kao i mogućnost privremene odgode predaje tražene osobe ako postoje razlozi da bi se time ugrozilo njezino zdravlje ili život (ozbiljni humanitarni razlozi). U tom kontekstu, autor je kroz sudsku praksu hrvatskih sudova i praksu Suda Europske unije razmotrio razne situacije koje se mogu pojaviti kod privremene odgode predaje tražene osobe zbog postojanja ozbiljnih humanitarnih razloga. Ujedno, autor predlaže rješenja pojedinih spornih pitanja kao npr. koliko dugo može trajati privremena odgoda, koje su sve mogućnosti pravosudnih tijela ako se vidi da će humanitarni razlozi trajati dulje vrijeme ili čak trajno i sl.
Unlike the traditional form of extradition of sought persons, that was a long and complex process that did not achieve the wanted effects, the European Arrest Warrant, as a simplified form of surrendering of sought persons, has enabled free and swift flow of judicial decisions in the criminal matters in the field of freedom, security and justice. This is a legal institute of international judiciary aid that includes a high level of trust and mutual recognition between the European Union member states, based on the EU Council Framework Decision of 13 June 2002 on the European Arrest Warrant and the surrender procedures between Member States 2002/584/PUP. The European Arrest Warrant stipulates, among others, the reasons for compulsory and facultative non-performance of the European Arrest Warrant, and the possibilities of temporary postponement of surrendering the sought person for serious reasons, where there is a possibility of compromising the person’s health or life (serious humanitarian reasons). In this context the author analyses, through the Croatian and the European court cases, various situations that may occur at temporarily postponing surrendering a sought person for serious humanitarian reasons. Furthermore, the author suggests solutions of various disputed questions, such as how long a temporary postponement may last, what options judicial authorities have if humanitarian reasons are expected to last longer periods of time or even permanently, and like.
Trajnostni promet v Prištini HOXHA, Visar; BRAHUSHI, Viola
Urbani izziv,
12/2023, Letnik:
34, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Avtorja sta proučevala neučinkovitost, mogoče izboljšave, izzive in vplive trajnostnih prometnih rešitev v Prištini, da bi na podlagi izsledkov oblikovala strategije za razvoj tovrstnih rešitev v ...majhnih hitro urbanizirajočih se mestih in prispevala k znanju na področju trajnostnega prometa v majhnih državah v razvoju. Pri raziskavi trajnostnega prometa v Prištini sta uporabila kvalitativni pristop in polstrukturirane intervjuje z dvanajstimi anketiranci, njihove odgovore pa sta proučila s tematsko in prečno analizo. Izsledki raziskave so pokazali, da je prištinski prometni sistem zelo neučinkovit, kar je posledica zastarele infrastrukture in različnih pogledov deležnikov. S tematsko in precno analizo sta avtorja opozorila na večplastne izzive pri uvedbi trajnostnega prometa v mestu. Njuna raziskava dopolnjuje literaturo s tega področja, saj daje vpogled v prometni sistem v Prištini in ponuja uporabne napotke za prometne načrtovalce. Z vidika družbe pa izsledki poudarjajo nujnost celostnega pristopa, ki bi združeval infrastrukturne izboljšave in spremembe v navadah ljudi ter tako omogočal vzpostavitev trajnostnega urbanega okolja v Prištini.
Cilj je ovoga rada pripremiti osnove za utemeljenu procjenu transformacije suvremenog stvaranja javnih politika pod utjecajem aktualnih kriza na način da se detektiraju dimenzije u kojima se ...promijenio kontekst stvaranja javnih politika krajem 20. i početkom 21. stoljeća. Rad je zasnovan na pregledu literature iz politološke discipline javnih politika, ali i srodnih disciplina javne uprave i socijalnih djelatnosti koje svojim specifičnim konceptima također pokušavaju razaznati transformaciju suvremenih javnih politika. Prvo se pokušavaju grubo sistematizirati osnovni elementi promjena konteksta u sklopu društva, tržišta i države, a zatim se fokusira na istraživanje tipova države s obzirom na fukcije koje ona ispoljava kroz raznorodne javne politike; na vrste javnog upravljanja i višestruke oblike kroz koje ono danas djeluje; te na transformaciju socijalne države u smjeru kombiniranih socijalnih politika. Glavni je nalaz rada da nove funkcije, nove strukture, novi ciljevi, novi instrumenti i novi akteri koje se može pronaći u stvaranju javnih politika na prijelazu stoljeća ne istiskuju stare, već se na njih nadograđuju i talože kao dodatni slojevi. Takozvano slojevanje čini se ključnom značajkom suvremenog stvaranja javnih politika, iako se još ne može odrediti hoće li ono olakšati ili onemogućavati rješavanje aktualnih kriza, te stoga treba biti središnji fokus interdisciplinarnih istraživanja društvenih znanosti u nadolazećem razdoblju.
"The State and decentralization in France ..." are nothing exclusive. It cannot mean that decentralization is just be a „job “of the state faced with territorial powers. The state always considers ...the context which it alone cannot confront (in the case of economic or financial crisis or where security is concerned), when it sovereignly delegates certain supervision it can take just as much as it can dissolve decentralized subjects (more or less forced and more or less directly agreed upon by joining or re-assigning). To this legally confirmed delegation of authority, its own authority defined by the Decentralization Act is added. Local authority represents a whole in which duties of authority are differentiated (which are replaced in the case of non-implementation by official duty) or non-compulsory authority. Or, between exclusive or common authority, if one knows that local self-government can directly or indirectly implement (in the case of concession or public service delegation). One also needs to mention that in the majority of EU countries, only law can determine the regime of municipalities (in opposition to what exists in federal states). France is, in that sense, a model for a unitary state, to that extent to which development according to administrative federalism (as well as political) is rejected, as confirmed by decentralized organization valued in this country (from decentralization reform in 1982 up to the law of 7 August 2015 on the new territorial organization). To tell the truth, France has gone through all forms of regime, government and administration in just over two centuries, and so could serve for every observation on decentralization, and its qualities and downsides.
Država i decentralizacija u Francuskoj ...” nisu ništa isključivo. To ne može značiti da je decentralizacija samo „posao“ države s teritorijalnim ovlastima. Država uvijek razmatra kontekst s kojim se sama ne može suočiti (u slučaju ekonomske ili financijske krize ili kada je riječ o sigurnosti), kada suvereno delegira određeni nadzor koji može potrajati jednako koliko može raspustiti decentralizirane subjekte (manje ili više prisilno i više ili manje izravno dogovoreno ulaskom ili ponovnim dodjeljivanjem). Ovome zakonski potvrđenom delegiranju ovlasti dodaje se vlastito ovlaštenje definirano Zakonom o decentralizaciji. Lokalna vlast predstavlja cjelinu u kojoj se razlikuju dužnosti ovlasti (koje se zamjenjuju u slučaju neprovođenja službene dužnosti) ili neobvezna ovlaštenja. Ili, između isključive ili zajedničke vlasti, ako se zna da lokalna samouprava može izravno ili neizravno provoditi (u slučaju koncesije ili delegiranja javnih usluga). Treba također spomenuti da u većini zemalja EU samo zakon može odrediti režim općina (suprotno onome što postoji u saveznim državama). Francuska je, u tom smislu, model za unitarnu državu, u onoj mjeri u kojoj je razvoj prema administrativnom federalizmu (kao i političkom) odbijen, što potvrđuje decentralizirana organizacija cijenjena u ovoj zemlji (od reforme decentralizacije 1982. do zakon od 7. kolovoza 2015. o novoj teritorijalnoj organizaciji). Istinu govoreći, Francuska je prošla kroz sve oblike režima, vlade i uprave u nešto više od dva stoljeća, i tako može poslužiti za svako promatranje o decentralizaciji i njezinim kvalitetama i manama.
"L'Etat et la décentralisation en France ..." n'ont rien d'exclusif. Cela ne signifie pas que la décentralisation n'est qu'un "travail" de l'Etat face aux pouvoirs territoriaux. L’État considère toujours le contexte auquel il ne peut pas seul faire face (en cas de crise économique ou financière ou en matière de sécurité), quand il délègue souverainement un certain contrôle, il peut en prendre autant qu’il peut dissoudre des sujets décentralisés (plus ou moins forcés). et plus ou moins directement convenu en rejoignant ou en réaffectant). À cette délégation de pouvoirs juridiquement confirmée, s'ajoute sa propre autorité définie par la loi sur la décentralisation. La collectivité locale représente un ensemble dans lequel les devoirs d’autorité sont différenciés (qui sont remplacés en cas de non-exécution par un devoir officiel) ou d’autorité non obligatoire. Ou, entre autorité exclusive ou commune, si l'on sait que l'autonomie locale peut être mise en oeuvre directement ou indirectement (dans le cas d'une concession ou d'une délégation de service public). Il faut aussi mentionner que dans la majorité des pays de l’UE, seule la loi peut déterminer le régime des municipalités (contrairement à ce qui existe dans les États fédéraux). La France est en ce sens un modèle pour un État unitaire, dans la mesure où un développement aussi bien du fédéralisme administratif (que politique) est rejeté, comme le confirme une organisation décentralisée valorisée dans ce pays (de la réforme de la décentralisation de 1982 à loi du 7 août 2015 sur la nouvelle organisation territoriale). À vrai dire, la France a traversé toutes les formes de régime, de gouvernement et d’administration en un peu plus de deux siècles, et pourrait donc servir à toute observation sur la décentralisation, ses qualités et ses inconvénients.
O javnom umu i načelu razlike Zelič, Nebojša
Filozofska istraživanja,
12/2023, Letnik:
43, Številka:
3
Journal Article, Web Resource
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Jedno je od važnih pitanja interpretacije Rawlsove filozofije ono o povezanosti dvaju problema o kojima je pisao cijeli svoj život – pravednost i legitimnost. U ovom radu kao posebnost Rawlsove ...teorije pravednosti uzimam načelo razlike, dok kao poseban aspekt njegove teorije legitimnosti uzimam ideju javnog uma, te pokušavam pokazati da su oba aspekta povezana, odnosno da ih ne trebamo gledati kao dva odvojena projekta. Pokušavam pokazati da bismo opravdanje načela razlike trebali oblikovati kao opravdanje određenog socio-ekonomskog uređenje prije nego kao apstraktno načelo, ono koje je bolje od drugih legitimnih uređenja. Za Rawlsa su demokracija vlasničkog tipa (engl. property-owning democracy) i liberalni socijalizam (engl. liberal socialism) ona socio-ekonomska uređenja koja realiziraju načelo razlike. Glavna je razlika između ta dva sustava ta što je u prvom dopušteno privatno vlasništvo nad sredstvima za proizvodnju, ali je ono široko disperzirano. U ovom radu pokušavam pokazati na koji način takav sustav može biti javno opravdan. Opravdanje koje pri tome trebamo koristiti upravo je ono koje Rawls oblikuje kroz ideju javnog uma, pozivanjem na političke vrijednosti sadržane u našoj javnoj političkoj kulturi.
One of the important questions in the interpretation of Rawls’s philosophy is the connection between the two problems he wrote about throughout his life – justice and legitimacy. In this paper, I take the difference principle as a special feature of Rawls’s theory of justice, while I take the idea of the public reason as a special aspect of his theory of legitimacy, and I try to show that both aspects are connected, that is, that we should not see them as two separate projects. I am trying to show that we should formulate the justification of the difference principle as a justification of a particular socio-economic arrangement rather than as an abstract principle, one that is better than other legitimate arrangements. For Rawls, property-owning democracy and liberal socialism are socio-economic arrangements that realize the difference principle. The main difference between the two systems is that in the first one, private ownership of the means of production is allowed, but it is widely dispersed. In this paper, I try to show how such a system can be publicly justified. The justification that we need to use is precisely the one that Rawls formulates through the idea of the public mind, by referring to the political values contained in our public political culture.
U radu se istražuje institucionalizacija političkoga i pravnog poretka u suvremenoj demokratskoj ustavnoj državi, s obzirom na promjenjive društvene uvjete u oblicima razvoja demokracije identitetâ i ...moralnoga pluriverzuma. Osobito se analizira konstitucija suvremene demokratske ustavne države kao neutralnoga posrednika u društvenom sporu, te se s obzirom na divergentnost moralnih slika svijeta koje oblikuju suvremeno društvo, nastoje pokazati temeljna načela postmoderne strategije stabilizacije političkog poretka. Bez obzira na promjenjive društvene okolnosti, u analizi, koja se metodološki temelji na postulatima novoga institucionalizma u društvenim istraživanjima, pokazuju se neka stabilizirajuća načela koja osobito vrijede za normativni kapacitet političkoga i pravnog sustava, kao što su specifičnost zapadne pravne tradicije, ključna pozicija ljudskoga dostojanstva i oblikovanje pravnoga sustava kao političke institucije. Pri analizi se osobita pozornost posvećuje kršćanskom doprinosu razvoju i etabliranju zapadne pravne tradicije i vrijednosti ljudskog dostojanstva.
The article explores the institutionalization of the political and legal system in the contemporary democratic constitutional state, given the changing social conditions in the forms of development of identitarian democracy and moral pluriverse. The paper seeks to analyse the constitution of the modern democratic constitutional state as a neutral mediator in the social conflict, and given the divergence of the moral world-views that shape modern society, tries to show the basic principles of the postmodern strategy of stabilization of the political system. Regardless of the changing social circumstances, the analysis, which is methodologically based on the postulates of new institutionalism in social research, shows some stabilizing principles of the political and legal system, such as the specificity of the Western legal tradition, the key position of human dignity and the formation of the legal system as a political institution. Particular attention is paid to the Christian contribution to the development and establishment of the Western legal tradition and the value of human dignity.
In August 1942, five transports were sent to the concentration camp Auschwitz-Birkenau from the territory of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC), with approximately 5,000 Jews. One of them was ...sent from Vinkovci with circa 1,000 Jews. It left the territory of the ISC on 19 August, and arrived in Auschwitz on 22 August. The transport has been only partially researched, mostly regarding victims from the Serbian part of the Syrmia region, without taking into account the complete picture, and with various omissions and mistakes. Documents scattered in numerous archival and other heritage institutions, many of them unknown to research communities in Croatia and Serbia, compared with statistical data for inhabitants of the settlements included in the analysis, reveal what was going on with Jewish communities not only in the wider region of Syrmia (Srijem), nowadays in Croatia and Serbia, but also in Bijeljina in Bosnia and Herzegovina, from where Jews were also incorporated into that transport. The analysis includes not only Jews who were sent to Auschwitz via the detention camp in Vinkovci, where they were kept during July and August 1942 (Jews from Vukovar, Županja, Ruma, Sremska Mitrovica, Bijeljina, Ilok, Šid, maybe some from Stara Pazova), but also those who were sent to the concentration camps in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška from May to August 1942 (Jews from Vinkovci and Zemun, most of the Jews from Stara Pazova, maybe/probably some of those from Ilok and Šid). The paper also includes a review of the destiny of Syrmian and Bijeljina’s Jews during 1941 and in the earlier period of 1942. The Holocaust was almost complete in those areas in August 1942. The only exemption was granted to Jews in mixed marriages and their children, those employed in medical services, and individuals who were exempt on some other basis. Most of them perished in the next wave of deportations in May 1943. The results of the research give a clearer picture of the flow of Holocaust in that part of the territory of the ISC and can be used for the correction and supplementation of the data about victims, not only of the individuals who perished in Auschwitz, registered in the death books from the camp or confirmed as victims of that camp by other sources, but also of those who perished in the concentration camps Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška. Regarding the Croatian part of Syrmia, some new results refer to the victims from Vukovar and Ilok who perished in Auschwitz but were previously linked to the Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška camps. Some of the victims, e.g. those from Županja, were not registered at all, and were mostly deported to Auschwitz. The data for Jews from Vinkovci and Zemun, almost all of whom perished in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška from May to July 1942, can also be updated from the transfer lists of the Ustasha Surveillance Service (Ustaška nadzorna Služba, UNS) used in this research.