The paper analyses the correspondence between Josip Juraj Strossmayer and Lujo Vojnović (1885-1892). Five letters from this period have been included as an Appendix, with a critical apparatus. The ...remainder of the correspondence, covering the years 1893-1901, with a total of nine letters, will be analysed in Part II, likewise with full transcription. Special attention has been paid to those letters that refer to some crucial international aspects of Croatian politics. Strictly speaking, when it comes to the correspondence from 1885 to 1892, in addition to Vojnović’s letter to Strossmayer of June 5, 1885, which has already been a subject of scholarly analysis, this includes only two other letters: Vojnović’s from July 23, 1892, in which he asked Bishop Strossmayer to support his memorandum in French to the famous British statesman William Ewart Gladstone, in which Vojnović recommended him the Croatian-Hungarian Settlement (1868) as a template for the Home Rule Bill, which Gladstone proposed to the British Parliament in 1886 and 1893; and Strossmayer’s reply to that letter of July 25, 1892, in which, instead of supporting Vojnović’s initiative, he presented a series of critical objections about the Hungarians and their hegemonic policy towards the Croats in the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom and generally towards non-Hungarian peoples in Transleithania, the Hungarian half of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (1867). In his reply to Vojnović, Strossmayer also presented some racist and pseudo-anthropological objections about the Hungarians, whom he considered unable to overcome feudal social organization and establish modern civil institutions. He attached another letter with the same date to this reply, asking Vojnović to seal it and send it to Gladstone together with his own letter. This second letter likewise contains a number of critical objections about the Hungarians and their hegemonic politics. Regarding the scope of Strossmayer’s influence in shaping Gladstone’s critical views on the Hungarians and their policy towards the non-ruling peoples of Transleithania, especially towards the Croats in the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom, it should be pointed out that Gladstone, who won his fourth and last electoral mandate in 1892, not only refused to support Strossmayer in his criticism of the Hungarians, but did not even reply to his letter of July 25, 1892. The author of this paper argues that Gladstone did so mainly for pragmatic political reasons, considering that he was otherwise in very cordial and friendly relations with Strossmayer: Great Britain was at that time providing strong support to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as an important balancing factor in European politics, an obstacle to both Russian expansionism towards the West and German progress in the East. Therefore, if it all came down to Gladstone alone, the results of Strossmayer’s efforts to expose Hungary’s repressive policies against the non-Hungarian peoples of Transleithania in Great Britain would have been insignificant. However, they found an extremely strong resonance with another Briton, likewise very influential: it was Robert William Seton-Watson, who published a fragment of Strossmayer’s sealed letter to Gladstone as an appendix to his book The Southern Slav Question and the Habsburg Monarchy (1911), while in another book, Racial Problems in Hungary (1908), starting not only from Strossmayer’s ideas in this regard, but also from the results of his own research and insights, he informed the European public about the hegemonic policy of the Hungarian political elites towards the non-Hungarian peoples in the Kingdom of Hungary, especially the discriminatory towards the Slovaks, based on strong cultural prejudices. Taking into account that this problem of the Hungarian attitude towards the non-Hungarian peoples of Transleithania aroused great interest among British historians and journalists, the correspondence between J. J. Strossmayer and L. Vojnović from July 1892 has also been considered in the wider context of Croatian-British and Hungarian-British discussions and confrontations in this regard. As Strossmayer’s racist objections against the Hungarians played an important role therein, this paper focuses particularly on the national stereotypes and racist narratives in the political and scholarly discourse of the time. By analysing several scholarly and journalist publications from the mid-19th century until the end of the first decade of the 20th, the author argues that national stereotypes, including the racist narrative, articulated to support one’s critical hypotheses about other nations, were almost equally present in Croatian and Hungarian, as well as in British authors who dealt with this issue at the time, although, of course, in different proportions. Thus, traces of such discourse can be found even in Seton-Watson, who tried to avoid it in every way and condemned it on principle. This, again, means that Strossmayer’s racist and xenophobic formulations about the Hungarians were in no way an exception, but rather a segment of the racist narrative that was prevalent at the time, spilling over from the public and political into the scholarly domain. In this sense, this paper can be understood as a critical analysis of a communication discourse present in the 19th and early 20th centuries that was inappropriate from an ethical and scholarly points of view, based as it was on quasi-historiographical, pseudo-anthropological, and racist stereotypes, which today would be completely inacceptable, especially in view of the obligation to respect the prescribed ethical norms in scholarly work and public activity.
Na temelju arhivskih izvora i onodobnoga tiska u radu se prikazuje djelovanje dalmatinskih biskupa u vrijeme Prvoga svjetskog rata pod vidikom njihova odnosa prema Habsburškoj Monarhiji i njezinu ...ratnom angažmanu. Prikazuje se humanitarni i karitativni doprinos Crkve u Dalmaciji društvu zahvaćenom ratnim nedaćama, kao i njezina uloga potpore Monarhiji i caru iskazana u raznim vjerskim obredima čiji je cilj – osim vjerskih nakana – bilo podizanje ratnoga morala te beskompromisno iskazivanje lojalnosti vlastima. U kontekstu političkih gibanja posljednje dvije godine rata (od Svibanjske deklaracije 1917. do kraja rata) analiziraju se stavovi svećenstva i dalmatinskih biskupa prema političkim pitanjima, gdje se uočavaju znatna razmimoilaženja. Propast Austro-Ugarske Monarhije značit će promjenu političkih stavova većine dalmatinskih biskupa.
Prilog želi prikazati Salomona, izraelskoga kralja čija nam je povijest prikazana u knjigama o kraljevima, te isto tako dijelom u knjigama Ljetopisa, čiji su tekstovi mlađi. Prilog je strukturiran u ...ukupno devet dijelova. Povijesni okvir, u kojemu se govori na temelju biblijskih izvora, sadržaj je prvoga dijela. Salomonovo rođenje sadržaj je drugoga dijela, a uspon na vlast donesen je u trećemu dijelu. Četvrti dio govori o Salomonu kao graditelju, a peti i šesti o njegovim diplomatskim sposobnostima. O Salomonu kao neskromnom, rastrošnom kralju govori sedmi dio priloga, a osmi o Salomonu kao trgovcu. Deveti dio govori o Salomonu kao mudracu, koji će postati paradigma starozavjetnoga mudraca, a na kraju priloga govori se o Salomonovu zalazu te o dezintegraciji kraljevstva. Ono što u biblijskim tekstovima nalazimo uglavnom je plod kasnijih refleksija i više govori o prilikama u vrijeme kada su tekstovi nastali, nego o stvarnom, ili pretpostavljenom vremenu, desetom pretkršćanskom stoljeću, kada je, kako se povjesničari uglavnom slažu, povijesni Salomon živio i djelovao, ali u mnogo skromnijem obliku, nego kako to biblijski tekstovi prikazuju. Salomon je učinjen paradigmom vrijednom nasljedovanja gotovo u svim segmentima. Narod koji je živio u teškim okolnostima trebalo je podsjećati na „slavnu“, glorificiranu prošlost, i tako davati nadu za budućnost.
The author analyzes text of Statutes of Vlachs published for frontiersmen/Grenzers of Varaždin Generalate in in the 1732 in latin and kajkavian variant of Croatian language and compares this document ...with the older one, the Vlach Statutes / Statuta Valachorum from 1630. year. The aim of this new document was to redefined
obligations and rights of frontiersmen in Varaždin Generalate after a long period of
social and religious disturbances during first three decades of 18. century. Author
points out that the appearance of this document must be considered in context of
military reforms in Varaždin Generalate made by Count Caspar Ferdinand von Cordua. He reorganized military structure of Generalate establishing new military
units, but reducing the pay of frontiersmen and raising of pay for officers was not
acceptable for frontiersmen. Styrian estates although opposed his reforms warning
Vienna court that financing of Varasdin Generalate under this circumstances was useless and that well established and equipped frontiersmen army cam also represent potential threat for Monarchy. As for a new Vlach Statutes, they like the old
Statuta form 17th century had not consider religious and ecclesiastical issues, but restricted frontiersmens right of free disposition of posessions and forbade buying
out military service. Most important change was nomination of military judges (auditors) in seat of every of four captaincies, which have accomplished the duties of
previouse supreme judge and eight assessors. Auditors solved different complaints of frontiersmen, including those against military captains (vojvode), and vojvode have got the possibility of making final decisions in quarrels which can be solved without official judicial procedure. Although Vienna Court supported Cordua’s plans and promulgated them in 1733 they have been accepted only partialy, but reforms caused disturbancies and resistence of frontiersmen and new Statuta for frontiersmen of Varasdin Generalate were not officialy proclaimed because authorities wanted to keep peace in Military Frontier.
U članku se prikazuje razvoj sokolskog pokreta od prvih početaka u Češkoj i njegovo širenje u Hrvatskoj te istražuje povijest društva Hrvatski sokol u Makarskoj. Autor istražuje značenje sokolstva u ...Hrvatskoj, Dalmaciji i Makarskoj te uvjete njegova djelovanja. Poseban naglasak stavlja se na povezivanje sokolskog djelovanja s političkom situacijom u Hrvatskoj i Monarhiji te strankama koje su imale najveći utjecaj na Hrvatski sokol. Sokolsko društvo u Makarskoj osnovano
je 1894., a prestalo je s djelovanjem 1914. uslijed zabrane rada sokolskim društvima u Monarhiji zbog početka Prvog svjetskog rata. U funkcioniranju mu je velike probleme stvarao otpor kotarskog poglavarstva i autonomaška stranka, no unatoč tome postiglo je veliki utjecaj u svakodnevnom gradskom životu.
Godine 1908. dogodio se događaj koji je dodatno pogoršao tada već poljuljane odnose
Austro-Ugarske Monarhije i Kraljevine Srbije, zbog sudaranja imperijalističkih ideja obje
države na jednom ...prostoru. Bila je to aneksija teritorija Bosne i Hercegovine od strane
Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, o kojoj su na prostoru Austro-Ugarske Monarhije postojale
različite političke ideje. Jednu od tih ideja razvio je i Stjepan Radić, hrvatski političar i
predsjednik Hrvatske pučke seljačke stranke (HPSS), koji je 1908. godine napisao djelo Živo
hrvatsko pravo na Bosnu i Hercegovinu u kojem objašnjava svoj stav o aneksiji te nekim
mogućim promjenama u državi kada je u pitanju poboljšanje položaja Slavena, odnosno
Hrvata. Teritorij Bosne i Hercegovine i prije toga je bio tema u političkom, tj. intelektualnom
djelovanju Stjepana Radića, ali je o toj temi bilo riječi i u časopisu Dom, u kojem je tekstove
pisao Stjepanov brat Antun. Količina povijesnih izvora te literature o ovoj temi daje nam
sjajan uvid u složenost ove aneksije kao važnog političkog događaja u vremenu prije Prvoga
svjetskog rata.
Austro-Ugarska Monarhija raspisala je od jeseni 1914. do ljeta 1918. osam ratnih zajmova kojima je financirala rat. Posebno su raspisivani austrijski i ugarski zajmovi. U Banskoj Hrvatskoj bilo je ...moguće uplatiti ugarske, ali i austrijske obveznice. U članku se donosi istraživanje uplaćivanja ratnih zajmova Monarhije na području Banske Hrvatske. Usporedbom i analizom relevantne literature, neobjavljenih i objavljenih izvora te onodobnih tiskovina istraženi su propagandni poticaji, ali i stvarnost, tj. uplate i isplativost uplaćivanja državnih ratnih obveznica.
Two years after the first book “Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in Word and Image: Slovenes 1, Styria, Porabje and Prekmurje, Carinthia” (2016) has been published, is now out also the second book: ...“Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in Word and Image: Slovenes 2”, presenting Kranjska (Carniola) and Primorje (Coastal region). Both books make the whole picture of Slovenes as included in the monumental book series “Die österreichisch-ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild” which was projected by the archeduke Rudolf and was published between 1884–1902. Translated are the chapters which discuss life, culture and economy of Slovenes living in Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Prevailing are the ethnographical descriptions of the regions, the presentation of inhabitants and their position in the context of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and other countries of that time. The authors are of different profiles and interests, and their studies are important sources for Slovenian culture and economy which was up till now too often overlooked.
U radu je predočeno pisanje savremene srpske istoriografije o istorijskoj ulozi Lajoša Košuta tokom revolucije 1848–1849. godine, njegova politika prema manjinskim narodima u Ugarskoj i planovi o ...saradnji podunavskih naroda koje je razvio tokom perioda emigracije. Košut, jedan od najistaknutijih revolucionara u Mađarskoj, borio se za nezavisnu Ugarsku vjerujući u nadmoćnost i privilegovanost mađarskog naroda i jezika i oštro se suprotstavljajući pokušajima nacionalne emancipacije manjinskih naroda u Ugarskoj. Nakon sloma revolucije i odlaska u emigraciju uvidio je greške svoje prethodno vođene politike i pokušao da usmjeri Mađare ka saradnji sa podunavskim narodima. Do kraja života ostao je u emigraciji, odlučan da neće biti habzburški podanik i vjeran ideji nezavisne Ugarske.
Rad stavlja u korelaciju stanje, odnosno razvijenost i dinamiku istarskoga društva početkom 19. stoljeća i sliku stanja koju se može steći na temelju materijala sadržanih u katastarskim operatima ...Katastra Franje I., kao i značajke tako prikupljenih podataka u odnosu na druge zemljišne isprave i na kasnije praćenje gospodarskih, demografskih i inih kretanja u Istri i u Habsburškoj Monarhiji. Sagledavaju se strukture i elementi organizacije društva prisutni još od srednjega i ranoga novog vijeka te oni implementirani u razdoblju koje je neposredno prethodilo sastavljanju Katastra Franje I. (tijekom prve i druge austrijske uprave, te napose za vrijeme one francuske). Isto tako, vrednuje se katastarski materijal – od metodologije prikupljanja i verificiranja podataka, preko njihove obrade, do konačne slike, odnosno procjena temeljenih na tim podacima – te vrijednost katastarskih podataka i procjena za razvoj statistike i sagledavanje povijesti Istre 19. stoljeća.
The paper correlates the state, i.e. the development and dynamics of Istrian society at the beginning of the 19th century, with the state that depicted in the materials contained in the cadastral records of the Cadastre of Francis I, as well as the characteristics of the data thus collected in relation to other land documents, and the way economy, demography and other trends in Istria and the Habsburg Monarchy were monitored. The structures and elements of the organization of society present since the Middle and Early Modern Ages and those implemented in the period immediately preceding the compilation of the Cadastre of Francis I (during the first and second Austrian administrations, and especially during the French one) are reviewed. Also, the cadastral material is evaluated – from the methodology of data collection and verification, through the processing, to the final product, i.e. estimates based on these data – and the value of cadastral data and estimates for the development of statistics and an overview of the history of Istria in the 19th century.
Lo scopo di questo saggio consiste nel porre in correlazione lo stato, cioè il grado di sviluppo e le dinamiche della società istriana esistenti agli inizi del XIX secolo con l’immagine che ne traspare dai materiali contenuti negli operati catastali del Catasto franceschino. Sono state considerate anche le caratteristiche dei dati rilevati in confronto agli altri documenti concernenti la materia terriera e lo studio dei movimenti economici e demografici svoltisi nei periodi successivi in Istria e nella Monarchia degli Asburgo. Bisogna considerare le strutture e gli elementi organizzativi della società presenti sin dal medioevo e dall’età moderna, come pure quelli che sono stati implementati durante il periodo immediatamente precedente alla compilazione del Catasto franceschino (durante la prima e la seconda dominazione austriaca, e specialmente durante quella francese). Inoltre, è stato valutato il materiale catastale, a partire dalla metodologia della raccolta e della verifica dei dati, inclusa la loro elaborazione e considerato il quadro finale. Sono cioè state considerate anche le stime ricavate da tali dati, e il loro valore per l’aspetto della statistica e lo studio della storia dell’Istria del XIX secolo.
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