Austro-ugarskom nagodbom ustrojena je Dvojna Monarhija. Austrija i Ugarska utvrdile su da su vanjska politika, vojni poslovi i financije zajednički poslovi cijele monarhije, dok su sve druge poslove ...dvije strane samostalno rješavale. Ugarska je bila vezana i Hrvatsko-ugarskom nagodbom, koja je, pak, Zagrebu osiguravala punu samostalnost u pitanjima unutarnje uprave, pravosuđa, bogoštovlja i javne prosvjete, uključujući i zakonodavnu vlast u tim pitanjima (Hrvatski sabor) te izvršnu (banska vlada). Hrvati su bili priznati za politički narod (taj su status uživali i Mađari u Ugarskoj), a u Trojednoj kraljevini službeni jezik bio je hrvatski. Usto je Hrvatska mogla koristiti svoje nacionalne simbole, a imala je i svoga ministra u Ugarskoj (zajedničkoj, središnjoj) vladi u Budimpešti. U vrijeme dualizma upravljanje zemljom bilo je vrlo teško, jer su kralj, ugarski ministar predsjednik i ban bili u međusobnom odnosu subordinacije, ali su morali uživati i međusobno povjerenje. Godine 1903. došlo je do parlamentarne krize u Austriji, koja se prelila u Ugarsku, dok su u Hrvatskoj izbili nemiri protiv bana i mađarizacije. U ovom radu, na temelju arhivskih spisa Ugarskog sabora, analiziramo kako su se događaji iz Hrvatske manifestirali na Ugarsku i cijelu monarhiju, a dajemo i odgovor na tezu da je ban „pobjegao iz Hrvatske”.
The Austro-Hungarian settlement established the Dual Monarchy. Austria and Hungary established that foreign policy, military affairs and finances are the joint affairs of the entire monarchy, while all other affairs were handled independently by the two parties. Hungary was also bound by the Croatian-Hungarian settlement, which in turn ensured Zagreb full independence in matters of internal administration, judiciary, worship and public education, including legislative power in these matters (Sabor) and executive power (ban government). Croats were recognized as a political nation (Hungarians in Hungary also enjoyed this status), and in the Three Kingdoms the official language was Croatian. In addition, Croatia could use its national symbols, and it had its own minister in the Hungarian (joint, central) government in Budapest. At the time of dualism, managing the country was very difficult, because the king, the Hungarian minister, the president, and the ban were in a mutual relationship of subordination, but they also had to enjoy mutual trust. In 1903, there was a parliamentary crisis in Austria, which spilled over into Hungary, while riots broke out in Croatia against bans and Hungarianization. In this paper, based on the archive files of the Hungarian Parliament, we analyze how events from Croatia manifested themselves in Hungary and the entire monarchy, and we also give an answer to the thesis that the ban „fled from Croatia”.
U ovom članku autor se bavi uzrocima i posljedicama napada na gornjostubičke državne službenike i trgovce Ciglar i Žukina za trajanja seljačkih nemira zbog žigosanja stoke 1920. godine. U tu svrhu ...spomenuta je pobuna, s naglaskom na područje kotara Donja Stubica, iskorištena kao kontekst opisivanih zbivanja, odnosno pomoćno sredstvo u objašnjavanju opisanih postupaka. Uporabom arhivskog materijala, sastavljenog za potrebe žalbe oštećenih zbog izostanka dodjele obećane odštete 1923. godine, te povlačenjem paralela sa sličnim situacijama u drugim mjestima sjeverozapadne Hrvatske, autor dolazi do zaključka o višeslojnosti uzroka napada na kućanstva Ciglar i Žukina, sastavljena od općeg nezadovoljstva društvenom situacijom te od akumulirane netrpeljivosti prema lokalnim predstavnicima nove vlasti. Također, naglasak je stavljen i na nepodudaranje između samoreprezentacije oštećenika u pismima beogradskim organima vlasti i stvarne situacije na području njihovog djelovanja.
In this article, the author deals with the causes and consequences of the attacks on state officials and merchants Ciglar and Žukina in Gornja Stubica during the peasant riots caused by the branding of cattle in 1920. For this purpose, the mentioned rebellion, with an emphasis on the area of the district of Donja Stubica, is used as a context for the described events, i. e. as a tool in the process of their explanation. Using archival material compiled for the purposes of the victims' complaint due to the delay of promised compensation in 1923, and drawing parallels with similar situations in other places in northwestern Croatia, the author concludes that the causes of the attack of the Ciglar and Žukina families were multifaceted, comprising of general dissatisfaction with the new regime, but also of accumulated intolerance towards its local representatives. Finally, the emphasis is placed on the discrepancy between the self-representation of the injured parties in the letters to the authorities in Belgrade and the real situation in the area of their activities.
Notorious violent peasant disturbances on the Susedgrad and Stubica estates started in 1565, shortly after the ascendance of the new lord of the manor, Franciscus Thahy. The peasant uprising reached ...the pinnacle in the winter of 1572. During the eight-year period, three different violent uprisings were started by the rebellious serfs. The article aims at finding answers to several unanswered questions: who were these individuals, who were responsible for starting the insurgent actions against the landlord of Susedgrad and Stubica in 1565, 1567, and 1571? What had been the causes and inducements that lead towards one of the largest pre-modern peasant revolts in south-eastern Central Europe, the so-called Croatian–Slovenian Jacquerrie of 1573? In the second half of the 16th century, the manor was in quite extraordinary circumstances, which had previously been researched in Croatian and Yugoslav historiography from various methodological and theoretical standpoints. There are three principal research strands. First of all, historians tried to counter the problem concerning the leadership of the rebellion. The question of leader(s) and instigators of the rebellion was intensively debated. The article finds that certain social groups have been neglected in previous research and discussions. The most important social groups whose dissatisfaction led to the rebellion were the privileged class of serfs and free man (liberi). As far as other causes of the uprising are concerned, many historians discussed significant augmentation of feudal rent, and especially corvée labour. The article shows, through extensive use of pre-statistical quantitative data that causes for the rebellion should be sought elsewhere. Hindering of peasant trade was also often discussed in historiography, as well as the specific structure of the manor, which was sufficiently acknowledged in the research. Th e article presents the conclusions that have been reached through quantitative, qualitative and (partly) prosopographical analysis. The author offers a new insight into the source material, introducing sources, methodologies and techniques that have not been used in previous research. Most important conclusions acknowledge that processes that led to social disturbances during 1560’s and 1570’s can be linked to economic changes affecting South-eastern Central Europe in 16th c. (such as re-feudalisation, second serfdom, strengthening of the feudal classes). However, quantitative data does not confirm the dualistic model of agrarian structure of early modern estates, and looks for more nuanced view concerning these structural models. One of the most important causes of social unrest was set off by lords’ attempts to take over the monopoly in the wine-trade, which has previously been accessible to serfs and other social groups.
U ovome se radu autor bavi pitanjima zelenoga kadra. Koristeći se relevantnom literaturom i izvornim gradivom, piše o uzrocima nastanka zelenoga kadra, njegovoj rasprostranjenosti, ne samo u ...Hrvatskoj nego u cijeloj Monarhiji, stupnju organiziranosti i utjecaju revolucionarnih ideja koje su donijeli vojnici iz ruskog zarobljeništva. Autor donosi procjenu broja zelenoga kadra u Hrvatskoj i time otklanja neke pogreške koje su se ponavljale u dosadašnjim radovima o toj temi.
Predmet ovoga rada su veliki nemiri useljenika koji su se zbili u
predgrađima francuskih gradova u jesen 2005. godine. Autori polaze
od teorijskih koncepata promišljanja društvenoga položaja i ...nasilničkoga ponašanja useljenika, mladih i marginalnih skupina koje su osmislili istaknuti sociolozi i drugi znanstvenici. Na toj osnovi, oni
ističu svoju osnovnu tezu kako je pobuna mladih useljenika druge
generacije autohtona francuska, europska i zapadna pobuna. Autori
ustvrđuju kako tu pobunu ne treba motriti kao izraz nekoga huntingtonovskoga sukoba civilizacija, odnosno političko-kulturnoga sraza Islama i Zapada. Kako bi obrazložili svoju osnovnu tezu, analiziraju različite pojavne oblike i raznovrsnu društvenu uvjetovanost nemira u Francuskoj. Razloge za izbijanje tih nemira oni ponajprije ustanovljuju u marginaliziranosti arapskih i afričkih useljenika druge generacije koji ne vide mogućnosti da institucionalnim i društveno poželjnim sredstvima ostvare najistaknutije kulturalne ciljeve zapadnoga društva, te u nerazmjeru između formalno-pravnog tretiranja useljenika kao ravnopravnih građana i njihova faktičkog statusa kao građana drugoga reda. Autori upozoravaju kako su mladi useljenici svojevrsni europski stranci. Unatoč tomu, oni su neodvojivi od Europe, osobito s obzirom na sve izraženiju potrebu brojnih europskih zemalja, pa i nekih tranzicijskih, za radnom snagom koja je izazvana procesima depopulacije i starenja stanovništva.
Autorica kronološkim redom obrađuje narodni pokret 1903.-1904., razdoblje obilježeno nemirima, demonstracijama, uličnim sukobima, neredima te održavanjem protestnih narodnih skupština po cijeloj ...Hrvatskoj. Iako se Židovima u većini slučajeva negirao patriotizam, oni su sudjelovali u narodnom pokretu. Godine 1903. bilo je pojedinačnih ispada prema Židovima, jer su ih pojedince, zbog uporabe mađarskog jezika u javnom i privatnom životu držali Mađarima ili «narodnjacima/mađaronima». Narodni pokret 1903.-1904. nije u sebi imao antisemitski karakter, već je ponajprije bio protumađarski i protumađaronski.