Abstract
The article discusses the aftermath of the Holocaust in Kyiv and shows what factors contributed to the sharp rise of state and popular anti-Semitism in the city in the post-war years. During ...the Nazi occupation, Babyn Yar in Kyiv became one of the largest Holocaust killing grounds, where the Nazis and their local collaborators exterminated almost all Jews who remained in the city. When surviving Jews returned to Kyiv from evacuation and the fronts, gentiles frequently refused to hand over apartments to the pre-war occupants. Jewish appeals to the authorities often were denied. The authorities, many of whom shared the anti-Semitic mood of much of the local population, usually refused to help returning Jews claim their property. A Jewish pogrom broke out in Kyiv in September 1945, when sixteen Jews were killed and over 100 injured. The harshness of life in the ruined city, the severe shortage of apartments and the rise of the anti-Semitism overlapped in Kyiv and brought about an explosion of anti-Jewish violence in the city. The Soviet authorities attempted to suppress popular anti-Semitism in Ukraine after the war but failed. Then they adopted the policy of state anti-Semitism in 1948–1953.
Document: Hoyerswerda | Frontex Kaske, Thomas
Journal of Anthropological Film,
10/2019, Letnik:
3, Številka:
2
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Four migrants from Mozambique provide eyewitness testimony about the racially motivated attacks that took place in Hoyerswerda, Saxony, in 1991. Their report is read to accompany archive shots, ...obtained directly in the streets of German city, which are shown in one half of the frame. The other half contains drone surveillance footage obtained by Frontex, the agency responsible for protecting the European Union's borders.
At the outbreak of the Six-Day War on June 5, 1967, a pogrom struck the Jewish community in Libya, causing its final exodus from the country. While various studies draw attention to the deterioration ...of Jewish living conditions after Libya’s independence and reveal the influence of the ideology of Egyptian President Nasser, the reflections of his political propaganda in this violence have not been fully exposed. This article seeks to show how the hostility of the Egyptian authorities towards the “imperialists”, the “Zionists” and the “reactionaries” influenced the June 1967 riots in Libya. In so doing, this study will highlight the complex nature of these events, which combined both elements of anti-imperialism and antisemitism.
What can a temporal comparison of two pogroms in the same city in the wake of two vastly different military conflicts reveal about context and function of anti-Jewish violence? What can it tell us ...about historical continuity and change? These questions frame the history below which focuses on two pogroms in the city of Krakow on April 16, 1918, and August 11, 1945. This article argues that in both cases perpetrators perceived the state as failing to meet their basic economic, national, and moral expectations after the wars which left political and social chaos, economic ruin, and dismal law and order. To address the state's failings and restore the "moral balance," the perpetrators targeted the Jews whom they perceived as the state's beneficiaries. After the Second World War, the violence only intensified when the medieval myth of ritual murder reemerged, and Jewish women and children became the targets of aggression. This change can only be explained by the specific context of WWII when redemptive antisemitism of Nazi propaganda and the daily practice of genocide stripped Jews of the remains of their humanity thus marking them as the ultimate threat to Polish survival.
Studies find a direct association of collective violence with relational distance: lower the relational distance, lower the violence. Where people live as neighbours, spatial proximity provides more ...opportunity for contact. However, perpetrators of mass violence are often neighbours who had previously coexisted with their victims in apparent harmony. Neighbour-on-neighbour violence is a social violation: it shakes our confidence in the collective values of ‘neighbourliness’ and the strength of prior relations. In two state-orchestrated pogroms in India – against Sikhs in 1984 and Muslims in 2002 – the nature of prior neighbour relationships is delineated to identify why some neighbours participated in attacks, others in rescues. A qualitative analysis of 50 survivor affidavits and 41 in-depth interviews enabled reconstructing the texture of these relationships. Neighbourliness and situational factors (timing of attacks; built environment) provided a more nuanced understanding of behaviour. For democratic polities that authorise pogroms, findings challenge existing knowledge on contact and violence.
Gans focuses on what he identifies as two conflicting understandings of Zionism and of the Jewish connection to the Land of Israel. The choice--intellectual, ideological, and most importantly, ...ethical--between the two options has become ever more urgent in the wake of October 7, 2023. It is a choice, he argues, that has profound implications for the morality of Zionism and for the future of Israel.
Previous literature explores the socio-political contours of Hindu-Muslim violence, with limited attention given to the experiences of victims and the Hindu-Sikh inter-communal relationships. This ...study specifically examines the 1984 Anti-Sikh pogrom, employing a phenomenological approach to gather insights from Sikh participants who were direct or indirect victims of the violence and aged 20-40 at the time. The findings underscore significant experiences such as the fear of survival, betrayal, and reaction inhibition amidst hostility during the pogrom. Presently, the victims continue to grapple with a sense of loss, hopelessness concerning justice, and a lack of trust in the Hindu community.
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