The first decades of the second half of the 19th century were a turning point in the history of the Habsburg Monarchy. During the wave of changes that affected the Monarchy at the time, including ...modernization, the first workers’ societies were founded in Croatia and Slavonia, an early workers’ movement was formed, and modern political movements such as socialism emerged. Starting from contextualization, the author has analysed the formation and operation of the workers’ movement in Croatia and Slavonia during the 1870s. Contrary to previous research, according to which the political ideology of the workers’ movement was based on the socialism of Karl Marx and the First International, the author argues that the development of socialist thought and political practice of the workers’ movement in this period was largely influenced by the ideas of Ferdinand Lassalle and by contacts with the German working classes. Primarily using contemporary newspapers, as the only medium for disseminating ideas that was widely available at the time, the author has analysed the discourse and the main points of the publicly communicated ideology, highlighting the characteristic patterns that the workers’ and socialist movement in Croatia and Slavonia took over from the writings of Lassalle or from the tradition of Lassallian socialism. The conclusion is that the initially dominant ideology of Lassallian socialism was subsequently upgraded with ideas characteristic of Marx’s view of socialism.
The article proposes a close reading of Jacques Derrida’s address to the Estates General of Psychoanalysis, held in Paris in July 2000. In celebrating the centenary of Freud’s Interpretation of ...Dreams, the representative international gathering of psychoanalysts took place under the umbrella of a “political metaphor” suggested by its historically significant title and dates. In Derrida’s address, the metaphor of revolution was far more than just a bright emblem of the meeting, expressing the organizers’ wish to emphasize the revolutionary character of Freud’s “invention” or to encourage the participants’ enthusiasm for solving the current crisis of their profession in the manner inspired by the Estates General in 1789. It is only in his late work, and particularly in this introductory lecture dealing with human cruelty and its recent historical mutations, that Derrida began to explore the deconstructive political potentialities of psychoanalysis. His hypothesis on the superiority of psychoanalysis over all other discourses in dealing with this highly political issue assumes that there is, although not yet fully recognized, or even strongly opposed, a politics inherent to Freud’s theory. Outlined in his later writings, Freud’s “progressive politics,” already engaged in a subversion of the principle of state sovereignty, as proved to be able to indicate a strategy of going “beyond the death drive,” calls for creating a new, revolutionary psychoanalysis beyond all principles. The article attempts to reveal that Derrida’s politically oriented reading of Freud’s legacy crucially depends on his unique position of “the friend of psychoanalysis.”
In the paper we analyse the concept of the “objective enemy” at the ontological and political levels. The hypothesis of the paper is that “objective enemy” is not being, rather it is non-being, and ...therefore one does not exist as an concrete, realistic being. The thesis is set in an ontological framework that being must have unity, immutability and recognizable form that was shown in the ontological premises of Parmenides, Plato, Aristotle and Husserl. At the level of philosophical and political analysis in the theoretical concepts of Carl Schmitt and Hannah Arendt, it is evident that the “objective enemy” does not exist as a concrete being, but only as being invented by the concept that is not adequate to its own subject. This means the untruth in ontological sense. The work draws attention to the danger of the term of “objective enemy” that does not correspond to the real beings, also evident in the Croatian political discourse in the example of the terms: “Fascist”, “Ustaša”, “Četnik”, “Yugo-communist”, and others.
Antu Glavičića (Senj, 1931. – Senj, 2003.) upoznao sam kao student povijesti 50-ih godina dok je on bio student arheologije i povijesti, a istodobno i upravitelj Narodnoga muzeja u Pazinu. Od tada ...smo bili veoma dobri prijatelji i suradnici. Napose sam od njega učio niz praktičnih komponenata radnoga života, jer je bio, npr., i voditelj
Gradskoga muzeja u Senju, udruga i uredništava, iskusni obnovitelj i suobnovitelj postojeće stare i novopronađene povijesne baštine pa i velikih povijesnih građevina. Uz ostalo, bio je i urednik te je objavio u dva izdanja Senjski statut 1388., koja smo priredili akademik Lujo Margetić i ja. S pravom je zaslužio zvanje muzejskoga savjetnika te više priznanja, jer je bio izvrstan kulturni, znanstveni i stručni djelatnik, s velikom ostavštinom, npr., niza muzejskih i drugih zbirki. Kao dobar prijatelj zdušno mi je pomagao na mojemu nerijetko i vrlo tegobnome dugome životnome putu.
U radu se analizira sadržaj dječjega euharistijskog listića Prijatelj malenih, pokrenut u Zadru ratne 1915. godine koji je izlazio zaključno s 1917. Urednik je bio franjevac Hugolin Didon (u prvom ...broju podršku mu je dao i zadarski nadbiskup Vinko Pulišić), s nakanom izlaženja „za malene službenike i službenice Presv. Sakramenta, za hrvatsku učeću mladež obojega spola i kršćanske obitelji.“ Interpretiraju se književni
prilozi vjerske i poučne tematike koje potpisuju suradnici i suradnice pod pseudonimima: Rosanda, Anjeza, Tiehomir f…, Levina, Karla, Pere Milošev, A. Kontin i drugi. Također se ističe i suradnju Ljubimira Jurića, najprije nadučitelja u Biogradu, a poslije na Voštarnici u Zadru. Bio je stalni i najproduktivniji autor uglavnom prigodne dječje poezije u listu koji je vjerski orijentiran, ali donosi i sadržaje poučnog i zabavnog
karaktera. U duhu katoličkog nauka s poukom razmatraju se mnoge teme: Isusov život, životi svetaca, marljivost, nesebičnost, domoljublje, rat, poslušnost i dr
Bosnian Franciscan Ivan Franjo Jukić (1818-1857) died a hundred and fifty years ago. He was one of the most prominent figures in the 19th century cultural life of Bosnia and Herzegovina, credited ...with the development of a wide-ranging set of aspects of cultural life in Bosnia and Herzegovina, organised in the unpropitious conditions of the Turkish occupation. Among other things, he studied the non-religious cultural history of Bosnia and Herzegovina and, in particular, the literary work of his Franciscan predecessors who were active in pastoral work for many years on the entire Croatian cultural territory and, in some periods, outside this territory. Preaching in the tongue of the people, they contributed greatly to the standardisation of the Croatian language and to the development and use of bosanica as a specific form of the Croatian Cyrillic script. Jukić was one of the first, if not the first Croatian student of this script. The study of bosanica was an inspiration to him to collect and bibliographically describe books written in this script and, also, books written in the Latin script. Thus emerged the core of his text, Bosnian Literature, which is in fact a general bibliography of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was the first book to set as a criterion the secular and not the religious borders of Bosnia. The text was published in two installments in the first literary journal in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosanski prijatelj, started and edited by Jukić.The paper is to commemorate the anniversary of his death. It provides an insight into the results of the bibliographic, cultural and historic study of Jukić’s text. The bibliographic study focuses on the bibliographic structure, bibliographic descriptions and on the criteria applied in the selection of the material. The bibliographic features are analysed as part of the cultural and historic context, in the synchronic and diachronic sense of the word. The method applied in the contextualised bibliographic analysis provides background for the study of some of Jukić’s less well known standpoints, relevant for the criteria employed in the selection of the materials for the national retrospective bibliography.The need to approach the matter from cultural and historic aspects is in correspondence with Jukić’s devout support of the Illyrian movement. This movement promoted the unity of the Southern Slavs, calling them all Illyrians and regarding them as basically a single people speaking the same language. As one of its focuses, the movement also promoted bibliographic work. Tracing back this orientation leads us to its source, the German Romanticism, which relied on the common language for the building of unity of the disunited German lands, and promoted the primacy of culture over the primacy of politics. With the German people this unity was successful, whereas the political reality, in part shaped by bloody wars, was a vivid proof of the failure of the Illyrian, and later, of the Southern Slavic idea. The course of research done for this paper was greatly affected by this historical fact, especially evident in the criteria for the selection of the bibliographic material.Starting off with the Illyrians’ understanding of what ”the regional’’ denotes, Jukić not only accepted the identification of the Illyrians and the Southern Slavs as one and the same entity, but he also treated Bosnia’s Muslims as the ”glorious Illyrian people’’, not only territorially but also ethnically. Students of the cultural and political history of Bosnia did not agree with Jukić’s arguments, and the cultural and historical processes proved him wrong by developing in directions that Jukić could not have foreseen or expected. The outcome of the Turkish siege of Bosnia was, namely, in the identification of the religious with the national. So it happened that Jukić, as a Catholic, is thought of as a Croatian culturalist and bibliographer, and a member of the Croatian ethnic group, irrespective of the fact that, territorially speaking, he belongs to Bosnia and Herzegovina and is a member of that state’s cultural elite.A bibliographic analysis makes up the core of the paper, and the core is framed by a methodologically immanent, modern cultural and historical context. Furthermore, inspired by Jukić’s Illyrian orientation, the analysis is also evaluated briefly from the point of view of the post-modern cultural and historic constructivism.
Autobiografske Udaljenosti Kačić Rogošić, Višnja
Dani Hvarskoga kazališta,
05/2022, Letnik:
48, Številka:
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Članak analizira redateljski rad Marine Petković Liker na izvedbenom ciklusu Udaljenosti (2017. – 2020.) koji ostvaruje u okviru izvaninstitucionalne zagrebačke umjetničke organizacije Četveroruka ...(2013. – ), temeljeći ga na dokumentarnim snimcima prirode i razgovora s lokalnim stanovništvom realiziranima u baranjskoj općini Darda u okviru umjetničkih istraživanja Udaljenosti – fokusiranje (2017.) i Strukture razgovaranja (2019.). Preispituje se priroda i uloga snimljenih autobiografskih iskaza u predstavama Ni prijatelj ni brat (2018.) i Razgovaranje (2019.) iz spomenutoga ciklusa odnosno način na koji utječu na tematske, metodološke i receptivne aspekte izvedbe. Na sadržajnoj razini sugeriraju sklop događaja, izgradnju scenskih likova i njihovih međusobnih odnosa, na razini stvaralačkoga procesa utječu na osmišljavanje postupaka koji stvorenu scensku građu približavaju realnosti autobiografije, supostavljajući različite razine scenske fikcije i varirajući perspektive iz kojih se one promatraju, dok na receptivnoj razini pomažu pri transformaciji gledatelja u svjedoke.
Nakon dolaska Istre, Trsta i Goričke u sastav Kraljevine Italije, budući
da je sam opstanak hrvatskoga i slovenskoga naroda u tim krajevima došao u pitanje, ostvarenje političke sloge bilo je ...dominantno pitanje unutar slovenskih i hrvatskih političkih redova. Aktivnost Političkoga društva Edinost iz Trsta kreće prema pokretanju jedinstvenoga političkog
djelovanja na prostoru koji se našao pod Italijom. I nakon što su se povezali zbog općenacionalnih interesa, razlike u nazorima između liberala i kršćanskih socijalista su se u jedinstvenom društvu zadržale.
I glasilo istarskih kršćanskih socijalista Pučki prijatelj, koje je početkom rujna 1919. ponovno započelo izlaziti, težilo je ostvarenju političke sloge. Uredniku lista preporučeno je 1919. izbjegavati pisanje
koje bi izazvalo sukob s nacionalno-liberalnom strujom, a uoči državnih
izbora 1921. kršćanski socijalisti podržali su pripadnike te struje kao
istarske kandidate. No, bez političkoga i gospodarsko-socijalnoga programa nije bilo moguće uspostaviti snažnu djelotvornu organizaciju.
Već su sredinom 1920. gorički svećenici predložili program temeljen na kršćansko-socijalnim načelima. Društvo Edinost bilo je suglasno sa širenjem tih načela, ali ih nije priznalo kao društveni program jer bi takva načela stvarala podjele. Međutim, i Pučki prijatelj započet će izražavati nezadovoljstvo zbog nepostojanja sustavnoga i organiziranoga rada. List je nezadovoljstvo izražavao upravo u vrijeme definitivnoga priključenja Julijske krajine početkom 1921. Italiji, naglašavajući potrebu reorganizacije djelovanja i rada. Nakon državnih izbora u svibnju 1921., socijalni su kršćani javno kritizirali vodstvo Edinosti da je krivo za slabe izborne rezultate u Istri i Trstu, problematizirajući program rada Političkoga društva. Bio je oštar i Pučki prijatelj, kritizirajući i on u prvom redu izborni program. Stoga jedinstvenoga nacrta za smisleni rad na političkom, kulturnim, socijalnom i gospodarskom području nije bilo. Upravo su izborni rezultati bili poticaj istarskim kršćanskim socijalistima u promišljanju
da i oni poput Goričana krenu sa samostalnijim i aktivnijim radom. U srpnju 1921. utemeljen je u Kozini Istarski pododbor Političkoga društva
Edinost, a za predsjednika bio je imenovan Božo Milanović, koji će to biti do sredine srpnja iduće godine. U početku Milanovićeva predsjedavanja Pododborom nema u javnosti pokazatelja idejnih razilaženja, osim u osobnim kontaktima. Tek kada je Tiskovno društvo u Pazinu izdalo koledar Istranin za 1922., polemika između Učiteljskoga lista i Pučkoga prijatelja ukazala je javnosti na idejna razilaženja, a skupština Istarskoga pododbora održana u Kozini 10. srpnja 1922. te reakcije u glasilima nakon nje pokazuju da je slijed zbivanja vodio prema raskolu. Pokušaj obnove rada Političkoga društva za Hrvate i Slovence u Istri bio je kratkotrajan: dolazak fašista na vlast sukobljene je strane primorao na dogovor, koji međutim nije dugo potrajao jer se idejna razilaženja i sukobi nisu mogli prevladati.
Dato che in seguito all’annessione dell’Istria, Trieste e Gorizia al Regno d’Italia era stata messa a repentaglio l’esistenza della popolazione croata e slovena di questi territori, la preoccupazione dominante nelle file politiche slovene e croate fu il raggiungimento di un’intesa politica. Gli sforzi della Società politica Edinost di Trieste
si mossero verso l’avviamento di un’attività politica unitaria nel territorio assoggettato all’Italia. Pur essendosi raccolte attorno ad un
interesse nazionale comune, le visioni dei liberali e dei socialisti cristiani continuarono a differire all’interno della società unificata. Anche il giornale dei socialisti cristiani istriani Pučki prijatelj, che
tornò alle stampe agli inizi di settembre 1919, sostenne la realizzazione dell’unità politica. Nel 1919 fu consigliato all’editore del giornale di evitare testi che provocassero scontri con la corrente nazional-liberale e, in vista delle elezioni statali del 1921, i socialisti cristiani appoggiarono i rappresentanti di tale corrente in qualità di candidati istriani. Però, senza un programma economico-sociale, non sarebbe stato possibile stabilire un’organizzazione solida ed efficace.
Già verso la metà del 1920 il clero goriziano aveva proposto un programma fondato su principi cristiano-sociali. La società Edinost condivideva la diffusione di tali principi, ma non li riconobbe quale programma della società perché avrebbero creato divergenze. Tuttavia, anche Pučki prijatelj iniziò a manifestare la propria insoddisfazione per l’inesistenza di un’attività sistematica ed organizzata. Il giornale
manifestava la propria insoddisfazione proprio nel momento dell’annessione definitiva della Venezia Giulia all’Italia, agli inizi del 1921, enfatizzando la necessità di riorganizzare le attività e l’operato. Dopo le elezioni statali del maggio 1921, i socialisti cristiani criticarono pubblicamente la dirigenza di Edinost imputandole i
deludenti risultati elettorali in Istria e a Trieste, e mettendo in questione il programma operativo della Società politica. Fu arduo anche Pučki prijatelj, criticando, innanzitutto, il programma elettorale. Era quindi inesistente una linea unitaria volta all’attuazione di un piano d’azione sensato nel campo politico, culturale, sociale ed economico. Furono proprio i risultati elettorali a spronare i socialisti cristiani istriani a prendere in considerazione l’avviamento di un’attività più indipendente e dinamica, come avevano già fatto i goriziani. Nel luglio 1921, fu costituito a Cosina il Sottocomitato istriano della Società politica Edinost, attribuendo l’incarico di presidente a Božo Milanović,
che ricoprirà tale ruolo fino a luglio dell’anno successivo. Nel periodo iniziale della presidenza di Milanović nel Sottocomitato, non ci
furono manifestazioni pubbliche di differimenti tra idee, tranne nei contatti personali. Soltanto dopo la pubblicazione del calendario Istranin per il 1922 da parte della Tipografia di Pisino, la polemica tra Učiteljski list e Pučki prijatelj rivela una discordanza di opinioni
e l’assemblea del Sottocomitato istriano tenutasi a Cosina il 10 luglio
1922 e le conseguenti reazioni pubblicate nei giornali indicano che lo svolgimento della situazione portava verso una disgregazione. Un tentativo di ripristino delle attività della Società politica per croati
e sloveni in Istria fu di breve durata: l’ascesa al potere del fascismo
costrinse le parti contrastanti a raggiungere un accordo, che non si mantenne però a lungo perché le divergenze e i conflitti non potevano essere superati.
After the accession of Istria, Trieste and Gorizia to the Kingdom of Italy, since the very survival of the Croatian and Slovenian people in these parts came into question, the achievement of political harmony was
a dominant issue within the Slovenian and Croatian political order. The
activity of the Political Society ʻEdinostʼ from Trieste moved towards the inception of a unified political activity in the area that had found
itself under Italy. Even after they became allies because of national interests, the differences in views between liberals and Christian socialists persisted in the unified society. The newsletter of the Istrian Christian socialists, Pučki prijatelj (The Peopleʼs Friend), which started being issued again at the beginning of September 1919, was
striving for political concord. In 1919, the editor of the newspaper was advised to avoid writing which would initiate a conflict with the national-liberal movement, and on the eve of the 1921 state elections, the Christian socialists supported members of that movement as Istrian candidates. However, without a political and economic-social programme, it was not possible to establish a strong and effective organization.
As early as the mid-1920, Gorizian priests proposed a programme based on
Christian-social principles. The Society ʻEdinostʼ supported the dissemination of these principles, but did not acknowledge them as a social agenda because such principles would create divisions. However, Pučki prijatelj would also begin expressing dissatisfaction with the lack of systematic and organized work. The newspaper expressed its dissatisfaction at the time of the definitive annexation of the Venezia Giulia in early 1921 to Italy, emphasizing the need to reorganize its activities and work. After the May 1921 state elections, social leaders publicly criticized the leadership of ʻEdinostʼ for poor election results in Istria and Trieste, reprimanding the political agenda of the Political Society. Pučki prijatelj was also harsh, primarily criticizing
the election program. Therefore, there was no single blueprint for meaningful work in the political, cultural, social and economic field. The election results were the impulse for the Istrian Christian socialists to start thinking that they, like Gorizians, should start working more independently and actively. In July 1921, the Istrian subcommittee of the Political Society ʻEdinostʼ was founded in Kozina, and Božo Milanović was appointed president, which is the position he held until mid-July the following year. At the beginning of Milanovićʼs chairmanship of the Subcommittee, there were no indications of ideological differences in public, except in personal contacts. Only when the Pazin Press Society issued the Istranin calendar for 1922 did the controversy between Učiteljski list (The Teacherʼs Gazette) and Pučki prijatelj show the public the existence of the conceptual differences; the Assembly of the Istrian Subcommittee held in Kozina on 10 July 1922, and the reactions in the newsletters, showed that the sequence events led to a schism. The attempt to renew the work of the Political Society for Croats and Slovenes in Istria was short-lived: the
arrival of fascists compelled the conflicting party to reach an agreement, which, however, did not last long because the ideological differences and conflicts could not be overcome.
U Konzervatorskom odjelu Ministarstva kulture u Splitu nalazi se pismohrana pokojnog akademika Krune Prijatelja u kojoj se
nalazi bijela koverta sa sadržajem od dvadesetdevet razglednica i dopisnica ...te nekoliko kratkih pisama koje je Anđela Horvat uputila
na neku od njegovih adresa. Iz sačuvanog se korpusa razabire da je Anđela Horvat Prijatelju rijetko slala dopisnice koje su bile
službene i bezlične. Za prepisku s dragim joj kolegom birala je radije razglednice različitih slikovnih sadržaja. Razvidno je da odabir
slikovnih motiva razglednica nije bio tek nasumičan, nego da su oni uvijek bili vezani uz osobne interesne sfere Anđele Horvat,
a ponajviše uz struku povijesti umjetnosti. Tih njenih lapidarnih dopisnica, koje su stizale na adresu akademika Krune Prijatelja,
prisjetio se i sam kada je 17. prosinca 1986. godine održao svoj komemorativni govor posvećen preminuloj akademkinji Horvat.
Istaknuo je tada Prijatelj u svom govoru kako za Anđelu Horvat nije dovoljno nabrajati samo njene znanstvene rezultate, nego sve ono što je ona živjela i bila. Nastavljajući njegovim dobronamjernim primjedbama, donosimo ovdje pregled građe sačuvane u Prijateljevoj
bijeloj koverti u kojoj nam je podjednako zanimljiv tekstualni segment korespodencije između dvoje uglednih znanstvenika kao i iščitavanje slikovnih sadržaja razglednica koje su se nametnule kao nijemi tumači puta kojim je Anđela Horvat kročila.
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