Biesta distinguishes three functions of education: qualification, socialization and subjectification. We focus on subjectification. When first addressing this concept, Biesta referred to action as ...defined by Arendt, thereby stressing the importance of ‘the question of freedom’. More recently, the question of freedom (Arendt) is replaced by ‘the question of responsibility’ (Levinas). For Levinas responsibility is related to irreplaceability. While the concept of responsibility is valuable, we question the call upon irreplaceability in education. Actively taking responsibility where irreplaceability might
not
be either present or felt should be central to education. Unlike the morally clear examples invoked by Biesta, complex societal issues like the climate and refugee crisis are not accessible as an immediate appeal to a specific subject. Therefore, we propose a return to Arendt and her concept of action. Action allows and requires students to create the world anew, to take a position without pretending that the outcome can be controlled. Biesta refers to this as the impossibility of education. However, rather than repeating the theme of impossibility, we focus on the
possibilities
of education: there are several ways to create the world anew.
The article aims to analyze the European Union (EU)'s approach to the Syrian crisis and to evaluate the role it attributes to Turkey. The EU's approach staggered between supporting transition in ...Syria to a post-Assad regime and the need to protect itself against spill-over effects of the conflict. Two issues emerged as urgent priorities that determined the EU's approach to the conflict. One of them was to control the outpouring of refugees fleeing war and oppression in Syria and the other was to deal with the growing threat of terrorism, mainly the ISIL threat. The influx of Syrian refugees through the Aegean and Balkan route to the EU surged in the summer of 2015 leading to practical and political problems for EU countries. In the meantime, ISIL related terror attacks in the EU created a major security problem and led several Member States to bring back border controls in the Schengen area. The EU turned to Turkey and sought Turkey's cooperation in controlling the refugee flow and also keeping away the ISIL threat. The article looks at cooperation between Turkey and the EU and also points of contention that created hurdles in this cooperation.
Makalede Avrupa Birliği'nin (AB) Suriye krizine yaklaşımı ve bununla ilgili olarak Türkiye'ye atfettiği rolün analizi amaçlanmaktadır. AB'nin yaklaşımı Suriye'de Esad sonrası bir rejime geçişi desteklemek ile çatışmanın yayılan etkilerinden kendini korumak arasında gidip gelmiştir. İki konu AB'nin çatışmaya yaklaşımını belirleyen acil öncelikler olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Bunlardan biri Suriye'de savaştan ve baskıdan kaçan mülteci akınını kontrol altına almak, diğeri ise büyüyen terörizm tehdidi, esasen IŞİD ile mücadele etmektir. Ege ve Balkan güzergâhı üzerinden AB'ye mülteci akını 2015 yaz aylarından itibaren hızla artmış ve AB ülkeleri için pratik ve siyasi sorunlara yol açmıştır. Bunun yanında, AB'de gerçekleşen IŞİD bağlantılı terör saldırıları temel bir güvenlik sorunu yaratmış ve birçok Üye devleti Schengen alanında sınır kontrollerini tekrar başlatmaya itmiştir. AB Türkiye'ye dönerek, mülteci akınının durdurulması ve IŞİD tehdidinin uzak tutulması için işbirliği talep etmiştir. Makale Türkiye ve AB arasındaki işbirliğini ele almakta ve bu işbirliğindeki uyuşmazlık noktalarını değerlendirmektedir.
The recent migration of refugees from Muslim majority countries to Central Europe has prompted an almost unprecedented dynamic in the British and German public sphere and political culture. However, ...there exists a lack of understanding how the “refugee crisis” and Islam are linked to each other in public discourse. This paper addresses this lacuna by seeking to answer the question how the current refugee situation has been interpreted with regards to Islam in British and German newspapers. A critical analysis allows to identify three major discursive patterns that contribute to the securitisation of the refugee situation. Moreover, the study reveals the construction of Muslim refugees as the culturally inferior “other” to an exclusive “European Christian Culture”.
This article discusses affective practice in context of social media activism. Drawing on work by Margaret Wetherell the article explores particular sensibility of political discourse and action, ...enhanced by the social media environment. The empirical cases involve the social media activism of anti-immigrant movement as well as solidarity activists in the context of the so called refugee crisis in Europe. It is argued that practices and sensibilities of activism enhanced and shaped by the technologies and economics of social media. While the anti-immigrant movement makes use of politics of irony on various levels from discourse to acts of trolling, solidarity movements tend to focus on compassionate, yet increasingly practical and shielded forms of practices as well as commercialized. Finally it introduces solidarity of dissonance as an opportunity for reflexive collective action and as a space to imagine alternatives.
This introductory article serves two specific purposes. First, it orients the reader to the complex topic addressed in this special issue – the problem of human displacement in general, and more ...specifically the current global refugee crisis. Second, it speaks in support of addressing human displacement from a theological perspective. The special issue hereby introduced is the result of two theological conferences that have addressed precisely such concerns – the 2016 and 2017 Stott-Bediako fora, under the title The Refugee Crisis: A Shared Human Condition.
The institutional European Union is facing two types of crisis. On the one hand, it needs to manage the current refugee’s influx efficiently and on the other hand it needs to deal with the democratic ...deficit that emerged by Europe’s incapacity to make the required decisions and gain the justification of its actions from its own people. This article aims firstly to highlight the legal framework (rule of law) that governs the asylum and migration procedures as well as the democratic gap that these provisions created in the different member states, as a crystal clear example of how a national competence became supranational. Furthermore, it illustrates the refugee profile, as a human being with acquired human rights through the theories of H. Arendt and the U. Beck. Lastly, the cosmopolitan approach is suggested in order to overcome the refugee crisis but a well-established integration should be the long term goal of Europe.
This article, derived from the author's keynote address to the ANZCA conference in July 2017, seeks to reinvigorate a constitutive Communication research approach, drawing on feminist, postcolonial, ...and intersectional analysis as well as recent research on listening. The model is tested via a case study of BBC media framing the European 2017 refugee crisis as a regional, rather than global, problem. It is argued that Eastern European and Tier 1 countries' resettlement policies reflect colonial histories and liberal legacies, seeking not to relieve humanitarian strain but to enhance economic growth. The article suggests we must confront how privilege enacts culturally exclusive practices that normalise complacent attitudes in media and scholarly environments that exempt the voices of those 'outside of the neighborhood'. The duty of 'care' is problematised here as a potential tool of colonialism, which must be used ethically if it is to invite thoughtful listening in our work as researchers, organisational leaders, and colleagues seeking to decolonise our practices.
The article examines recent research on hotspots – the EU system for the management of incoming asylum seekers, implemented in Greece and Italy – to raise some questions on Europe’s relation to its ...external borders, and its others. Briefly discussing Abdelmalek Sayad’s writings on “state thinking” and the migrant condition, and drawing attention to the repeated failures that characterise the government of the external borders of the EU, we question Europe’s capacity to articulate its relation to the external world and to people on the move beyond the space of the border. This question, we think, will be central in the next European century.
The European Union is facing multiple crises: the euro and sovereign debt crisis puts into question its economic and social cohesion as well as the rules of coexistence within the Economic and ...Monetary Union; the refugee crisis brought to the fore a high degree of disagreement among member states as to the duties of mutual solidarity and assistance; Brexit highlighted the need to continuously justify EU membership (Britain being the most evident, but not at all the only case in which public opinion sees membership with deep scepticism), and to address the social and economic roots of dissatisfaction with the EU - inasmuch as EU-internal, economically motivated migration has been one of the key issues of the 'leave' campaign; the security crisis put into question the Schengen agreement and the mutual trust between member states in security issues. The political conundrum currently challenging the EU calls for reflection on what went wrong with the process of European integration in the first place. The essay offers a possible diagnosis and traces a number of scenarios for the future development of the European Union.
This article examines European residential responses to migrations after 2015. The literature meticulously analyzes their historically-contextually changing variances and inner diversities while ...imposing a binary view: the anti-immigration response is the negation, and the solidarity response is the affirmation of liberal tolerance. Contrarily, I argue that both responses utilize the liberal tolerance idea and its operational principles. First, they border the European Self and the migrant Other; re-border “the intolerable” and “the tolerable” migrant; and then exclude the former while only partially including the latter. Refugees’ inclusion and exclusion are seen either as a zero-sum (i.e., they are either included or excluded) or a dialectical state (i.e., the inclusion of some means the exclusion of others), but I claim that even the most inclusive responses are excluding the very subjects they claim to include. Inclusion is partial, while exclusion is constant. Thus, I discuss the migrants’ permanent yet differential exclusions in three modalities of liberal tolerance: Liberal intolerance, differentiating tolerance, and indifferent tolerance.
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