In state formation research, princely houses have been a blind spot. The development of states has been discussed from many perspectives, like interstate competition, internal social conflicts, ...fiscal-military developments, etc., but at the centre of most European states, there was a princely house. These ruling houses have been overlooked in studies about state formation. What’s more, when discussing such dynasties, the vertical chronological perspective (grandfather-father-son) is all dominating, for instance in the focus on dynastic continuity, dynastic culture and representation, and the like. This collection of essays highlights the horizontal perspective (ruler, all children, siblings, cousins), in asking how the members of a princely family acted as a power network. The quest is to develop an understanding how this family network interplayed with other factors in the state formation process. This volume brings together existing knowledge of the topic with the aim of exchanging insights and furthering knowledge.
This book suggests an innovative theoretical framework to understand the meltdown and civil wars of countries such as Yemen, Syria, and Libya after their 2011 uprisings, using Yemen as a case study. ...The interaction between different types of state formation and regional rivalry can explain, respectively, the civil wars of these countries and the preservation of the Bahraini system, despite its ethnic nature. The analysis works on two interconnected levels: First, an internal level focusing on the state formation of the country in question; and second, a regional level examining the operational context within which each country functions, and the type of actors involved in its political affairs. The recurrent instability in Yemen has been a result of overlapping group grievances repeatedly rising to the surface. This reflects a process of different attempts at state formation that ultimately failed to produce a modern state, along with core elites defined by (and at the same time exploiting) ethnic markers, perpetually infighting throughout Yemeni history. These three elements—tensions between groups, unsuccessful state formations, and the ethnic markers of its elites—stand at the core of the Yemeni dilemma. This book is based on original archival research and more than 100 interviews conducted by the author with all parties of the Yemeni Civil War and with other regional actors.
How is state legitimacy established in areas where it has long been lacking? While scholars have generally explained the construction of legitimacy as a consequence of state actions and used survey ...research or experiments to describe local evaluations of the state, in this article I describe the microprocesses that link the two: how communities experience the state, collectively make sense of it, and behave in ways that consent to or challenge state power. Based on 3 years of ethnographic fieldwork in a rural Colombian village experiencing growing state presence after decades of armed group control, I theorize the emergence of state legitimacy or illegitimacy as a process of narrative construction. Locals facing a landmark peace process and a coca substitution program that has destroyed the local economy make sense of the state by constructing narratives about it that spread throughout the community. These narratives combine with material need to influence forms of social action that demonstrate assent to or defiance of state power—behavior that communities also understand through public narratives. Fine‐grained ethnographic description of the narrative construction of legitimacy demonstrates the importance of collective meaning‐making processes to political beliefs and behavior.
What determines violent reaction during state formation processes? To address this question, we exploit the uprisings that occurred when southern Italy was annexed to Piedmont during Italian ...unification in the 1860s. We assemble a novel dataset on episodes of brigandage, a form of violent rebellion against the unitary government, and on pre-unification social and economic characteristics of southern Italian municipalities. We find that the intensity of brigandage is ceteris paribus lower in and close to settlements of Piedmontese origin. We argue that geographical distance from these communities is a proxy for cultural distance from the Piedmontese rulers. Thus, our results suggest that, in the context of state formation, cultural proximity to the new ruler reduces social unrest by local communities. After ruling out alternative mechanisms consistent with the economic literature, we provide suggestive evidence of cultural persistence and diffusion in our context, and discuss two possible culture-based drivers of our results: social identification with the Piedmontese rulers, and a clash between local values and some specific content of the new institutions.
Unlike state-building in medieval Europe, America, and Africa, where a combination of security threats and economic incentives led to a swift consolidation of central authority, post-war Europe has ...lacked an essential ingredient of successful state-building: an existential threat. The result, argue Keleman and McNamara, has been a 'gradual, uneven, and dysfunctional' integration process, stopping short of statehood. Ironically, their comparative historical explanation for the EU's shortcomings is strangely 'ahistorical', failing to consider the specific world-historical time at which the EU was born. The EU emerged at a time when (a) existing nation-states were relatively solidly formed, and (b) the territorial state is increasingly anachronistic as a means of amassing and projecting power. In a globalized world, providing for citizens' security and welfare demands global alliance-building more than coercive taxation to build large standing armies. War-deprivation is therefore not what explains the EU's limited statehood. As security threats loom on the EU's borders, concentration of fiscal capacity and coercive power in Brussels remains unlikely. The good news is that - by historical standards - the EU appears to be managing external crises remarkably well with limited 'core state powers'.
Negara-bangsa ialah sebuah negara berdaulat yang mempunyai penduduk dengan kesedaran bahawa terdapat persamaan dalam kalangan mereka. Persamaan tersebut dapat dilihat dari segi tradisi lama, adat dan ...bahasa yang dikongsi bersama-sama dalam kalangan mereka yang tinggal di dalam sebuah wilayah negara-bangsa. Dari sudut kewujudannya, sesebuah negara-bangsa merupakan entiti yang bebas daripada konsep dunia empayar. Di Malaysia, konsep asas pembinaan sebuah negara-bangsa telah wujud sejak zaman pemerintahan raja Melayu, manakala sistem pentadbiran ketika zaman penjajahan British pula telah memperkenalkan Tanah Melayu kepada konsep negara-bangsa moden. Justeru, kajian ini bertujuan menyoroti sejarah perjalanan pembinaan negara-bangsa malaysia yang merdeka dan cabaran-cabaran yang dihadapi negara dalam usaha mencapai tujuan tersebut. Makalah yang dihasilkan adalah berbentuk kajian kualitatif sejarah dengan menggunakan kaedah analisis dokumen. Disamping itu, kaedah penulisan dan analisis Sains Sosial juga digunakan bagi menghasilkan analisis penulisan yang lebih luas. Hasil dapatan kajian mendapati bahawa proses pembinaan negara-bangsa di Malaysia merupakan sebuah proses yang berterusan atau ongoing process. Proses tersebut mula terbentuk melalui konsep tradisional negara-bangsa yang wujud sebelum zaman penjajahan British lagi dan seterusnya proses tersebut berkembang ketika zaman penjajahan dan terus berkembang setelah mencapai kemerdekaan mengikut perkembangan Tanah Melayu yang berfungsi sebagai sebuah negara-bangsa. Hingga pada era pasca-merdeka, dasar-dasar yang cuba diketengahkan oleh pihak pemerintah terus memperkasakan konsep negara-bangsa bagi membentuk bangsa idaman dan negara cita yang menjadi menjadi objektif semua negara yang merdeka. Makalah ini diharapkan dapat memberi gambaran terhadap perjalanan sejarah dan cabaran yang dihadapi oleh negara dalam usaha membentuk sebuah negara-bangsa idaman.
The European Union’s institutional development is highly imbalanced. It has established robust legal authority and institutions, but it remains weak or impotent in terms of its centralization of ...fiscal, administrative, and coercive capacity. We argue that situating the EU in terms of the history of state-building allows us to better understand the outcomes of EU governance. Historically, political projects centralizing power have been most complete when both market and security pressures are present to generate state formation. With the EU, market forces have had a far greater influence than immediate military threats. We offer a preliminary demonstration of the promise of this approach by applying it to two empirical examples, the euro and the Schengen area. Our analysis suggests that the EU does not need to be a Weberian state, nor be destined to become one, for the state-building perspective to shed new light on its processes of political development.
In state formation research, princely houses have been a blind spot. The development of states has been discussed from many perspectives, like interstate competition, internal social conflicts, ...fiscal-military developments, etc., but at the centre of most European states, there was a princely house. These ruling houses have been overlooked in studies about state formation. What’s more, when discussing such dynasties, the vertical chronological perspective (grandfather-father-son) is all dominating, for instance in the focus on dynastic continuity, dynastic culture and representation, and the like. This collection of essays highlights the horizontal perspective (ruler, all children, siblings, cousins), in asking how the members of a princely family acted as a power network. The quest is to develop an understanding how this family network interplayed with other factors in the state formation process. This volume brings together existing knowledge of the topic with the aim of exchanging insights and furthering knowledge.
Inaugurado el 4 de diciembre de 1995, el Museo y Archivo Histórico Policial de la provincia del Chubut se encuentra en Rawson, la ciudad capital, y contiene numerosos documentos sobre diferentes ...momentos de la historia policial de la provincia. En este artículo nos proponemos presentar el libro de notas de la Administración de la Comisaría del Chubut correspondiente a los años 1880-1886. Consideramos que constituye una de las fuentes representativas de los primeros años de la colonia galesa de Chubut, debido a que nos permite estudiar las primeras relaciones y conflictos que se dieron entre los colonos y las autoridades nacionales asignadas al territorio, vinculándolos con el debate parlamentario de 1863 en el que se discutió el proyecto para establecer la colonia en Patagonia. Haremos una breve referencia a los temas que se registraron en ese libro, para analizar luego un enfrentamiento entre el comisario Juan Finoquetto y uno de los líderes galeses, Lewis Jones.
Inaugurated on December 4, 1995, the Historical Police Museum and Archive of the Province of Chubut is located in Rawson, capital state city, and contains numerous documents on different moments of the province's police history. In this article we propose to present the note book of the Chubut Police Station Administration from 1880 to 1886. We consider that it constitutes one of the representative sources of the first years of the Welsh colony of Chubut, because it allows us to study the first relations and conflicts that arose between the settlers and the national authorities assigned to the territory, linking them with the parliamentary debate of 1863 in which the project to establish the colony in Patagonia was discussed. We will make a brief reference to the themes that were recorded in that book, to then analyze a confrontation between Commissioner Juan Finoquetto and one of the Welsh leaders, Lewis Jones.
